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Suggestions  for 
League  Speakers 


Speech  Material 

for 

League  of  Nations  Addresses 


Published  by  the 

LEAGUE  TO  ENFORCE  PEACE 

Bush  Terminal  Sales  Building 

180  West  U2nd  Street 

New  York 


Suggestions 
for  League  Speakers 


Speech  Material  for 
League  of  Nations  Addresses 


Published  by  the 

LEAGUE  TO  ENFORCE  PEACE 

Bush  Terminal  Sales  Building 

130  West  42nd  Street 

New  York 


January  1919 


/VA 


■\ 


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TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 

Foreword 5 

Hints  for  Speakers 7 

Our  Program — Preliminary  Statement 9 

The  Victory  Program 12 

Analysis  of  the  Victory  Program .  14 

Functions 14 

International  Court 17 

Council  of  Conciliation 18 

Administration    18 

International  Congress 20 

Executive  Body 21 

Prophecy  and  Forecast — Speech  Material 25 

Excerpts — President  Wilson 26 

Public  Opinion  Overseas 46 

American  Opinion 59 

Resolution — A  Suggested  Form 71 

Bibliography 72 


392669 


FOREWORD 

Those  who  exercise  the  power  of  the  spoken  word  in  favor 
of  a  League  of  Nations  are  among  the  great  contributors  to 
the  final  success  of  the  cause.  Only  by  an  aroused  public 
opinion  can  the  ratification,  by  the  Senate,  of  the  treaties 
creating  a  League  of  Nations,  be  made  certain.  To  educate 
the  people  upon  this  vital  subject,  to  inform  them  of  the 
dangers  of  delay  or  indifference  and  to  arouse  them  to  such 
affirmative  action  as  will  insure  ratification,  is  the  end  of  all 
our  efforts. 

This  booklet  gives  you  in  outline  the  program  of  The 
League  to  Enforce  Peace,  and  many  quotations  from  those 
who  in  all  lands  have  labored  for  the  establishment  of  a 
League  of  Nations.  Completeness  is  impossible  in  such  a 
pamphlet  as  this,  but  almost  every  library  provides  facilities 
for  further  study,  and  the  sources  indicated  at  the  end  of  the 
quotations  are  especially  rich  in  material.  With  this  as  a 
foundation  the  League  to  Enforce  Peace  Bulletin  and  an 
earnest  reading  of  current  publications  will  keep  us  abreast 
of  the  movement  as  it  progresses. 

Facilities  for  the  study  of  particular  aspects  of  a  League 
of  Nations  are  afforded  by  a  Special  Library  Service  from 
National  Headquarters,  which  is  free  to  League  speakers. 
Bibliographies  upon  any  subject  and  the  services  of  a  trained 
librarian  in  locating  quotations,  statistics  and  other  data,  are 
gladly  furnished  upon  application. 

The  League  is  in  active  touch  with  organized  bodies 
throughout  the  nation  and  our  speakers  are  eagerly  heard,  but 
the  field  is  so  great'  and  the  time  so  short  that  only  by  the 
"close  co-operation  of  every  bloomin'  soul"  will  it  be  possible 
to  accomplish  our  task.  We  call  upon  each  League  speaker 
to  take  the  initiative  in  informing  his  or  her  community  of  the 
vital  issues  at  stake  and  in  securing  from  each  organized  body 
therein  the  adoption  of  a  resolution  favoring  a  League  of 
Nations. 

League  to  Enforce  Peace, 

Tom  Jones  Meek, 

Extension  Secy. 

5 


Hints  for  Speakers 

The  following,  prepared  evidently  by  a  thorough  master 
in  popular  oratory,  were  issued  by  the  Treasury  Department 
for  the  Fourth  Liberty  Loan  Campaign. 

We  commend  them  to  ourselves.  Adapted  they  are  as 
follows: 

Begin  with  a  positive,  concrete,  striking  statement.  Tell 
your  audience  something  at  the  start  that  will  immediately 
grip  their  attention. 

Use  short  sentences.  Try  to  make  one  word  do  the  work 
of  two. 

Avoid  fine  phrases.  You  aren't  there  to  give  them  an 
ear- full,  but  a  mind- full. 

Talk  to  the  back  row  of  your  audience;  you'll  hit  every- 
thing closer  in, 

Talk  to  the  simplest  intelligence  in  your  audience;  you'll 
touch  everything  higher  up. 

Be  natural  and  direct.    Sincerity  wears  no  frills. 

Speak  slowly.    A  jumbled  sentence  is  a  wasted  sentence. 

You  represent  The  League  to  Enforce  Peace,  a  non- 
partisan volunteer  organization,  advocating  a  League  of 
Nations  to  insure  a  durable  peace.  Don't  forget  this.  And 
don't  let  your  audience  forget  it. 

Finish  strong  and  sharp. 

and 

See  to  it  that  action  looking  toward  the  adoption  of  resolu- 
tions is  taken  following  your  speech. 


Our  Program 

WHY  WE  FOUGHT 

America,  as  led  by  President  Wilson,  had  a  two-fold 
purpose  in  the  war, — to  crush  militarism  and  to  make  the 
worid  safe  for  the  people  who  live  in  it  by  the  creation  of  a 
league  of  nations  to  insure  the  future  peace  of  the  world. 

The  League  to  Enforce  Peace,  organized  in  Independence 
Hall  in  June,  1915,  with  ex-President  Taft  as  its  head,  has 
taken  a  strong  hold  on  the  heads  and  the  hearts  of  the 
American  people.  It  is  non-political.  The  national  Chair- 
men of  both  the  great  political  parties  are  among  its  officers. 
The  President  of  the  American  Federation  of  Labor,  the 
kader  of  the  Woman's  Suffrage  movement  in  America,  and 
half  a  hundred  other  leading  men  and  women  are  on  its 
Executive  Committee. 

Notice  the  word  "Enforce"  in  its  title.  Our  Secretary  of 
War  said  that  the  Allies  constituted  a  "league  to  enforce 
peace  with  justice"  and  Lloyd  George  made  the  same 
declaration.  The  Parliament  of  France  and  the  British 
House  of  Lords  have,  by  formal  and  unanimous  vote, 
approved  this  splendid  measure.  The  Allies  are  committed 
to  the  establishment  of  such  a  league. 

The  world  must  take  a  lesson  from  the  experience  of  men 
as  individuals.  No  man  ever  got  a  right  by  simply  getting 
liberty.  It  was  only  by  putting  liberty  under  the  control  of 
law  that  individual  men  acquired  rights.  We  must  place 
nations  under  the  control  of  international  law  and  provide  a 

9 


10     LEAGUE  TO  ENFORCE  PEACE 

plan  of  machinery  that  will  keep  them  there.  This  is  essential 
to  freedom.  Uncontrolled  liberty  and  action  is  Bolshevism. 
Controlled  liberty  and  action  is  freedom  and  is  necessary  to 
the  development  and  broadening  process  of  civilization. 

We  fought  to  place  political  force  under  the  control  of 
international  law,  and  if  the  Allies  build  such  a  structure  as 
our  President  is  proposing,  mankind  shall  see  established 
"the  reign  of  Law  based  upon  the  consent  of  the  governed, 
sustained  by  the  organized  opinion  of  mankind." 

HOW  SHALL  WE  USE  OUR  VICTORY? 

We  have  made  the  world  safe  for  democracy  by  a  glorious 
victory  over  German  militarism  and  we  will  live  in  the  exal- 
tation of  that  victory  for  many  years  to  come.  But  our  task 
is  not  yet  completed.  We  face  to-day  the  problem  of 
keeping  the  world  safe  for  democracy.  How  shall  we  use 
the  victory  of  war  for  permanent  peace  and  justice? 

We  want  a  peace  so  strong  that  autocracy  shall  never 
again  raise  its  head  among  the  nations  to  kill  and  devastate. 
We  want  a  peace  so  strong  and  just  that  no  mother  in 
America  shall  ever  say  "My  boy  has  died  in  vain." 

Such  a  peace  is  the  concern  of  the  whole  world  and  must 
be  maintained  by  the  united  power  of  the  world.  If  one 
nation  alone  undertakes  to  maintain  peace  among  the  nations, 
even  with  the  most  unselfish  purpose,  her  motives  will  be 
misunderstood.  She  will  be  the  target  of  universal  suspicion. 
Her  large  army  and  navy  will  excite  the  jealousy  of  other 
nations  just  as  the  swollen  forces  of  Germany  created  world- 
wide fear  before  the  Great  War.  That  suspicion  would  be 
the  greatest  possible  obstacle  to  universal  peace. 

Even  if  America  chooses  to  stand  alone  after  this  war  the 
small  nations  of  Europe  cannot  follow  her  example.     They 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  SPEAKERS  II 

cannot  protect  themselves  alone.  Imagine  Belgium,  Serbia 
or  the  new  state  of  the  Czecho-Slovaks  attempting  to  com- 
pete in  armaments  with  the  great  powers!  They  would  be 
hopelessly  outnumbered  and  overwhelmed.  If  the  world  is 
to  return  to  the  old  game  of  competitive  military  establish- 
ments, the  rights  of  small  nations  will  be  little  more  than 
scraps  of  paper. 

Unless  some  better  plan  is  agreed  upon  the  sacrifices  of 
the  war  will  be  wasted.  The  new  nations  will  repeat  the 
tragedy  of  the  quarrelling  Balkans  and  the  world  will  be  as 
far  from  permanent  peace  as  it  was  in  the  summer  of  1914. 

A  LEAGUE  OF  NATIONS 

But  President  Wilson  and  Lloyd  George  are  leading 
the  way  to  a  wise  use  of  our  victory.  They  stand  for  a 
League  of  Nations  as  the  essential  condition  of  permanent 
peace.  "We  go  to  the  peace  conference",  said  Lloyd 
George,  "to  guarantee  that  a  League  of  Nations  is  a  reality. 
I  am  one  of  those  who  believe  that  without  peace  we  cannot 
have  progress.  A  league  of  nations  guarantees  peace  and 
guarantees  also  an  all-round  reduction  of  armaments.** 

President  Wilson  in  his  great  address  in  New  York  last 
September  declared  that  the  aim  of  the  war  was  "to  create 
in  some  virile  fashion  the  only  instrumentality  by  which  it 
can  be  made  certain  that  the  agreements  of  the  peace  will 
be  honoured  and  fulfilled.  .  .  .  That  indispensable 
instrumentality  is  a  League  of  Nations  formed  under 
covenants  that  will  be  efficacious." 

A  League  of  Nations  would  use  our  victory  to  perpetuate 
the  glorious  friendship  of  the  Allied  Powers.  The  splendid 
cooperation  between  our  government  and  the  governments 
of  Great  Britain,  France,  Italy,  and  the  other  powers  has 


12    LEAGUE  TO  ENFORCE  PEACE 

taught  the  world  its  best  lesson  in  brotherhood.  There  is 
no  reason  why  it  should  end  with  the  peace  conference. 
There  never  was  a  time  when  that  cooperation  was  needed 
more  than  it  is  to-day.  The  world  faces  common  dangers 
and  responsibilities;  it  should  have  a  common  agency  to 
express  its  united  will  and  carry  out  the  world  purposes  of 
the  war. 

THE  VICTORY  PROGRAM 

(Adopted  at  a  meeting  of  the  Executive  Committee,  held  in  Next 
Yor\,  November  23,  1918,  as  the  official  platform  of  the  League  to 
Enforce  Peace,  superseding  the  proposals  adopted  at  the  organization 
of  the  League  in  Philadelphia,  June  17,  1915.) 

The  war  now  happily  brought  to  a  close  has  been  above 
all  a  war  to  end  war,  but  in  order  to  ensure  the  fruits  of 
victory  and  to  prevent  the  recurrence  of  such  a  catastrophe 
there  should  be  formed  a  League  of  Free  Nations,  as  uni- 
versal as  possible,  based  upon  treaty  and  pledged  that  the 
security  of  each  state  shall  rest  upon  the  strength  of  the 
whole.  The  initiating  nucleus  of  the  membership  of  the 
League  should  be  the  nations  associated  as  belligerents  in 
winning  the  war. 

The  League  should  aim  at  promoting  the  liberty,  progress, 
and  fair  economic  opportunity  of  all  nations,  and  the  orderly 
development  of  the  world. 

It  should  ensure  peace  by  eliminating  causes  of  dissension, 
by  deciding  controversies  by  peaceable  means,  and  by  uniting 
the  potential  force  of  all  the  members  as  a  standing  menace 
against  any  nation  that  seeks  to  upset  the  peace  of  the 
world. 

The  advantages  of  membership  in  the  League,  both 
economically  and  from  the  point  of  view  of  security,  should 
be  so  clear  that  all  nations  will  desire  to  be  members  of  it. 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  SPEAKERS  13 

For  this  purpose  it  is  necessary  to  create — 

1.  For  the  decision  of  justiciable  questions,  an  impartial 
tribunal  whose  jurisdiction  shall  not  depend  upon  the  assent 
of  the  parties  to  the  controversy;  provision  to  be  made  for 
enforcing  its  decisions. 

2.  For  questions  that  are  not  justiciable  in  their  charac- 
ter, a  Council  of  Conciliation,  as  mediator,  which  shall 
hear,  consider,  and  make  recommendations;  and  failing 
acquiescence  by  the  parties  concerned,  the  League  shall 
determine  what  action,  if  any,  shall  be  taken. 

3.  An  administrative  organization  for  the  conduct  of  affairs 
of  common  interest,  the  protection  and  care  of  backward 
regions  and  internationalized  places,  and  such  matters  as 
have  been  jointly  administered  before  and  during  the  war. 
We  hold  that  this  object  must  be  attained  by  methods  and 
through  machinery  that  will  ensure  both  stability  and 
progress;  preventing,  on  the  one  hand,  any  crystallization  of 
the  status  quo  that  will  defeat  the  forces  of  healthy  growth 
and  changes,  and  providing,  on  the  other  hand,  a  way  by 
which  progress  can  be  secured  and  necessary  change  effected 
without  recourse  to  war. 

4.  A  representative  Congress  to  formulate  and  codify  rules 
of  international  law,  to  inspect  the  work  of  the  administrative 
bodies  and  to  consider  any  matter  affecting  the  tranquillity 
of  the  world  or  the  progress  or  betterment  of  human  relations. 
Its  deliberations  should  be  public. 

5.  An  Executive  Bod}),  able  to  speak  with  authority  in 
the  name  of  the  nations  represented,  and  to  act  in  case  the 
peace  of  the  world  is  endangered. 

The  representation  of  the  different  nations  in  the  organs 
of  the  League  should  be  in  proportion  to  the  responsibilities 


M     LEAGUE  TO  ENFORCE  PEACE 

and  obligations  they  assume.  The  rules  of  international 
law  should  not  be  defeated  for  lack  of  unanimity. 

A  resort  to  force  by  any  nation  should  be  prevented  by 
a  solemn  agreement  that  any  aggression  will  be  met 
immediately  by  such  an  overwhelming  economic  and  military 
force  that  it  will  not  be  attempted. 

No  member  of  the  League  should  make  any  other  offensive 
or  defensive  treaty  or  alliance,  and  all  treaties  of  whatever 
nature  made  by  any  member  of  the  League  should  at  once 
be  made  public. 

Such  a  League  must  be  formed  at  the  time  of  the 
definite  peace,  or  the  opportunity  may  be  lost  forever. 

This  Victory  Program  is  offered  for  the  consideration 
and  endorsement  of  all  organizations  and  individuals  inter- 
ested in  the  problems  of  international  reconstruction. 

ANALYSIS  OF  THE  VICTORY  PROGRAM  — 
POINT  BY  POINT 

FUNCTIONS:  This  victory  program  declares  for  "a 
League  of  Free  Nations,  as  universal  as  possible,  based  upon 
treaty  and  pledged  that  the  security  of  each  State  shall  rest 
upon  the  strength  of  the  whole;**  and  this  League  is 
demanded  "to  ensure  the  fruits  of  victory  and  to  prevent  the 
recurrence  of  such  a  catastrophe**  as  "the  war  now  happily 
brought  to  a  close.*'  Statesmen  innumerable  have  said  the 
same  thing  times  without  number  during  the  past  four  years, 
and  the  peoples  of  the  world  have  more  and  more  insisted 
that  such  a  result  must  be  the  outcome  of  the  war.  The 
fundamental  fact  of  all  national  life  is  here  applied  on  the 
international  plane  by  the  declaration  that  "the  security  of 
each  State  shall  rest  upon  the  strength  of  the  whole.'*     The 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  SPEAKERS  15 

curse  of  Cain  has  existed  to  this  day  among  the  nations,  but 
this  declaration  removes  it  by  asserting  the  simple  truth  that 
States  are  their  brothers*  keepers. 

"The  initiating  nucleus  of  the  membership  of  the  League 
should  be  the  nations  associated  as  belligerents  in  winning 
the  war"  continues  the  program.  The  members  of  the 
League  must  be  both  free  agents  and  acceptable  partners. 
On  the  other  hand,  it  should  be  "as  universal  as  possible." 
In  other  words,  the  League  of  Nations  should  follow  the 
practice  of  the  American  Union.  Starting  among  the  nations 
which  have  become  partners  in  victory  over  the  forces  of 
militarism  and  autocracy,  it  would  take  in  others  as  they 
proved  themselves  fit  for  or  met  the  conditions  of  membership, 
somewhat  after  the  manner  in  which  American  territories  have 
been  admitted  to  the  Union  when  they  had  attained  the 
standards  fixed  by  the  fundamental  law  of  the  Constitution. 

"The  League  should  aim  at  promoting  the  liberty, 
progress,  and  fair  economic  opportunity  of  all  nations,  and 
the  orderly  development  of  the  world."  Here  is  a  perfectly 
sound  and  honest  purpose,  fair  to  all  and  worthy  of  all 
men's  support.  The  liberty  of  every  nation  must  remain  the 
foundation  of  all  healthy  political  growth,  just  as  the  freedom 
of  the  individual  is  the  basis  of  sound  community  life.  As 
Kipling,  with  a  poet's  vision,  made  Canada,  "Our  Lady 
of  the  Snows,"  say: 

Daughter  am  I  in  my  mother's  house, 
But  mistress  in  my  own. 

It  is  such  a  relation  that  the  League  should  bear  to  the 
individual  nations,  guaranteeing  their  national  independence 
and  their  position  in  the  family  of  nations.  In  that  way — 
by  leaving  its  individual  problems  to  each  nation  and  by 


16    LEAGUE  TO  ENFORCE  PEACE 

cooperation  respecting  its  international  problems — the 
progress  and  orderly  development  of  the  world  can  best 
be  assured. 

In  an  industrial  era,  when  the  needs  and  wants  of  peoples 
are  manifold  and  when  their  satisfaction  hinges  upon 
conditions  of  increasing  interdependence,  "fair  economic 
opportunity  is  an  essential  of  progress."  Fairness  of  trade 
conditions  is  not  only  practical,  but  as  a  system  affords  the 
opportunity  for  individual  nations  to  pursue  their  own 
interests  to  the  best  advantage,  in  accordance  with  their  duties 
toward  the  world. 

"It  should  ensure  peace  by  eliminating  causes  of  dissension, 
by  deciding  controversies  by  peaceable  means,  and  by  uniting 
the  potential  force  of  all  members  as  a  standing  menace 
against  any  nation  that  seeks  to  upset  the  peace  of  the 
world."  Granting  the  disposition  to  seek  peace  on  the 
part  of  nations,  the  great  obstacle  in  the  immediate  past  to 
realizing  the  purpose  has  been  lack  of  eliminating  organs 
in  the  body  of  world  politics  to  remove  the  poison  of  dis- 
sension. The  student  of  the  international  relations  of  the 
last  century  must  inevitably  be  impressed  with  the  fact  that 
practically  no  difficulty  that  resulted  in  a  crisis  or  in  war 
was  recent  in  its  origin.  Take  the  Balkan  question,  for 
example.  The  decisions  of  the  1820's  and  1830's  were 
incomplete  and  unsatisfactory,  but  they  fixed  conditions, 
which  in  the  70's  resulted  in  a  great  European  settlement 
that,  under  similarly  bad  auspices,  was  as  unfortunate  as 
the  first  arrangement.  And  the  festering  sores  then  opened 
created  unwholesome  conditions  that  required  the  major 
operation  of  a  world  war.  Establishment  of  machinery  for 
wiping  out  the  causes  of  dissension  when  disputes  arise  and 
for  deciding  actual  controversies  by  peaceable  means  will 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  SPEAKERS  17 

therefore  play  an  essential  part  in  ensuring  peace.  But,  lest 
a  nation's  interest  should  loom  larger  to  it  than  the  world's 
peace,  it  is  advisable  that  each  nation  shall  understand  that 
an  attempt  to  "upset  the  peace  of  the  world"  will  immedi- 
ately bring  it  up  against  the  united  forces  of  all. 

"The  advantages  of  membership  in  the  League,  both 
economically  and  from  the  point  of  view  of  security,  should 
be  so  clear  that  all  nations  will  desire  to  be  members  of  it.** 

International  Court:  "For  the  decision  of  justici- 
able questions,  an  impartial  tribunal  whose  jurisdiction  rhall 
not  depend  upon  the  assent  of  the  parties  to  the  controversy, 
provision  to  be  made  for  enforcing  its  decisions.** 

The  purpose  of  this  article  is  to  give  international  justice 
an  institution  through  which  it  can  operate  upon  all  problems 
between  nations.  A  restricted  court  has  existed  since  the 
First  Hague  Conference  in  1 899,  and  44  States — including 
all  belligerents — are  members  of  it.  A  better  court  was 
provided  in  1907,  but  had  not  been  set  up  at  the  outbreak 
of  the  war.  There  is  no  question  raised  anywhere  as  to  a 
complete  international  court,  so  far  as  its  principle  is  con- 
cerned. 

The  organization  of  such  a  court  will  be,  of  course, 
largely  technical.  Such  details  offer  little  difficulty.  The 
problem  not  yet  solved  is  how  the  court  is  to  be  made  up. 
That  was  an  unconquered  problem  before  the  war  because 
of  the  theory  of  sovereignty,  which  made  States  unwilling 
to  establish  a  court  in  which  all  were  not  represented  by 
their  own  members.  International  cooperation  to  the  extent 
now  accepted  should  serve  to  modify  that  theory  so  that 
solution  of  this  problem  will  not  be  difficult 


.«    LEAGUE  TO  ENFORCE  PEACE 

Council  of  Conciliation:  "For  questions  that  are 
not  justiciable  in  their  character,  a  Council  of  Conciliation, 
as  mediator,  which  shall  hear,  consider,  and  make  recom- 
mendations; and  jailing  acquiescence  by  the  parties  con- 
cerned, the  League  shall  determine  what  action,  if  any,  shall 
be  taken.**  It  was  well  recognized  before  the  war  that 
negotiation,  which  is  nothing  but  diplomatic  bargaining,  did 
not  settle  all  disputes  between  nations  and  that  courts  could 
not  handle  many  of  them  because  they  did  not  involve 
principles  of  law.  The  Hague  conferences  provided  the 
machinery  for  conciliation,  but  it  was  optional.  The  Taft 
administration  in  1911  negotiated  treaties  which  applied 
this  principle  in  the  exact  form  of  the  program.  After  they 
failed  to  receive  the  Senate's  approval,  the  Wilson  adminis- 
tration negotiated  similar  treaties  with  thirty  countries,  of 
which  twenty  are  in  force.  The  proposal  now  is  to  create  a 
permanent  international  institution  performing  this  service. 

Organization  of  an  international  council  offers  no  diffi- 
culty. Like  the  court,  the  actual  arrangements  for  setting 
it  up  must  be  largely  technical.  As  the  purpose  of  the 
council  is  simply  to  aid  the  parties  in  dispute  to  find  the  facts 
in  their  controversy,  leaving  the  decision  for  them  to  find, 
the  personnel  is  not  of  the  same  importance  as  in  the  judicial 
organ,  and  no  nation  is  likely  to  object  to  any  reasonable 
and  practical  method  of  constituting  it. 

ADMINISTRATION:  "An  administrative  organization  for 
the  conduct  of  affairs  of  common  interest,  the  protection  and 
care  of  backward  regions  and  internationalized  places,  and 
such  matters  as  have  been  jointly  administered  before  and 
during  the  war.  We  hold  that  this  object  must  be  attained 
by  methods  and  through  machinery  that  will  ensure  both 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  SPEAKERS  If 

stability  and  progress;  preventing,  on  the  one  hand,  an$ 
crystallization  of  the  status  quo  that  will  defeat  the  forces 
of  healthy  growth  and  change,  and  providing,  on  the  other 
hand,  a  way  by  which  progress  can  be  secured  and  necessary 
change  effected  without  recourse  to  war." 

Before  the  war  there  existed  nearly  75  instances  of 
official  administrative  cooperation.  Such  institutions  as  the 
Universal  Postal  Union  with  its  permanent  bureau,  the 
European  Commission  of  the  Danube,  the  Latin  Monetary 
Union,  the  regulations  for  the  protection  of  submarine  cables, 
and  the  Pan-American  Union  are  well  known  and  exemplify 
the  phenomenon  of  international  administration.  Such  insti- 
tutions as  the  bureaus  for  the  repression  of  the  African  slave 
trade,  the  machinery  for  preventing  the  importation  of  spirit- 
ous  liquors  into  certain  regions  of  Africa,  and  the  conven- 
tions for  the  repression  of  the  use  of  opium  aptly  illustrate 
the  way  in  which  the  backward  regions  were  internationally 
cared  for  and  protected  then,  and  how  they  can  be  looked 
after  in  the  future.  Then  institutions  such  as  the  Interna- 
tional Sanitary  Council  at  Tangier,  the  Superior  Sanitary 
Council  of  Constantinople,  the  internationalized  regime  of 
the  Suez  Canal,  and  the  safety  patrol  of  the  North  Atlantic 
Ocean  had  demonstrated  the  value  of  common  administration 
for  internationalized  portions  of  the  world. 

During  the  war  such  institutions  have  continued  to  func- 
tion, but  the  progress  of  the  conflict  made  it  clear  that  they 
must  be  closer  connected.  In  fact,  for  the  purposes  of  the  war 
a  very  closely  interlocked  set  of  institutions  has  been  devel- 
oped by  the  powers  associated  against  Germany.  Headed 
by  the  political  organ  known  as  the  Supreme  War  Council, 
a  great  number  of  committees  and  councils  have  come  into 


»    LEAGUE  TO  ENFORCE  PEACE 

being  for  the  allocation  of  supplies  and  the  conduct  of  the  war. 
Among  these  may  be  mentioned  the  Military  Representa- 
tives, the  Allied  Naval  Council,  the  Inter-Ally  Council  on 
War  Purchases  and  Finance,  the  Inter-Allied  Maritime 
Transport  Council,  the  Food  Council,  the  Munitions  Coun- 
cil, and  many  subordinate  committees.  The  war  has  thus 
co-ordinated  to  a  greater  extent  than  before  the  existent 
international  administration. 

It  remains  to  co-ordinate  the  permanent  features  of  these 
war  institutions  and  those  of  the  pre-war  period.  The 
world  would  thus  have  in  being  machinery  constantly  and 
readily  responsive  to  "forces  of  healthy  growth  and  change.** 

International  Congress:  "A  representative  con- 
gress to  formulate  and  codify  rules  of  international  law,  to 
inspect  the  work  of  the  administrative  bodies  and  to  consider 
any  matter  affecting  the  tranquillity  of  the  world  or  the 
progress  or  betterment  of  human  relations.  Its  deliberations 
should  be  public,** 

The  important  improvement  is  that  law  passed  by  the 
conferences  shall  govern  thereafter.  The  old  system  usually 
worked  that  way,  but  not  necessarily.  The  conferences  will 
make  interdependence  effective,  leaving  administration 
largely  to  the  national  State.  It  will  regulate  economic 
relations  and  decide  such  questions  as  the  "freedom  of  the 
seas.** 

Organization  of  the  conference  will  follow  the  main  tech- 
nical lines  of  The  Hague  conferences.  If  the  change  in 
the  theory  of  sovereignty  mentioned  above  is  realized,  there 
will  be  no  objection  to  giving  up  the  old  system  under  which 
any  State  voting  against  a  measure  could  kill  it.  A  specified 
plurality  greater  than  a  majority  should  be  practical. 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  SPEAKERS  21 

EXECUTIVE  BODY:  "An  executive  body  able  to  speak 
with  authority  in  the  name  of  the  nations  represented,  and 
to  act  in  case  the  peace  of  the  world  is  endangered.** 

The  organization  of  the  Supreme  War  Council  is  the 
existing  prototype  of  such  a  body.  The  council  consists  of 
the  premiers  of  Great  Britain,  France,  and  Italy  with  the 
President  of  the  United  States,  or  their  proxies.  On  occa- 
sions when  other  of  the  associated  powers  have  been  inter- 
ested in  the  problems  under  discussion  their  representatives 
have  been  admitted  to  what  have  come  to  be  called  inter- 
allied conferences.  This  machinery  has  apparently  worked 
smoothly  and,  if  placed  on  a  permanent  basis  with  the 
changes  necessary  to  correspond  with  the  constitution  of  the 
League,  would  give  it  an  executive  speaking  with  its  author- 
ity and  capable  of  acting  at  any  time. 

"The  representation  of  the  different  nations  in  the  organs 
of  the  League  should  be  in  proportion  to  the  responsibilities 
and  obligations  they  assume.  The  rules  of  international 
law  should  not  be  defeated  for  lack  of  unanimity.** 

This  provision  in  the  program  calls  for  an  important 
reform,  the  absence  of  which  greatly  hampered  progress  in 
the  past  by  making  impossible  any  improvement  not  accept- 
able to  all.  It  was  logical  in  a  system  of  sovereign  States 
that  none  should  be  bound  except  by  its  own  decision,  but 
it  is  just  as  logical  that  a  League  of  Nations,  establishing 
duties  of  individual  States  toward  the  whole,  should  be 
able  to  reach  its  decisions  by  something  short  of  unanimous 
consent.  The  provision  provides  simply  for  recognizing  the 
two  conditions,  that  responsibility  and  representation — that 
is,  effective  influence — should  bear  a  relation  to  each  other, 
and  that  the  discredited  principle  of  blocking  progress  by 
insignificant  minorities  should  be  relegated  to  the  past. 


22    LEAGUE  TO  ENFORCE  PEACE 

**A  resort  to  force  by  any  nation  should  be  prevented  by 
a  solemn  agreement  that  any  aggression  will  be  met  immedi- 
ately by  such  an  overwhelming  economic  and  military  force 
that  it  will  not  be  attempted."  Every  statesman  who  has 
acted  as  spokesman  for  the  governments  associated  against 
Germany  has  pronounced  in  favor  of  this  idea  in  the  broad- 
est possible  language.  They  have  declared  that  the  nations 
hereafter  must  have  a  sanction  adequate  for  making  inter- 
national law  and  international  justice  effective. 

That  is  exactly  the  purpose  of  the  article  quoted,  though 
its  purport  may  not  be  immediately  apparent  Hitherto 
international  law,  while  it  has  been  real  law,  has  been  applied 
only  between  "sovereign"  States,  who  admitted  its  rules  as 
a  matter  of  practical  convenience  only.  The  sovereign  State 
held  that  it  owed  nothing  to  the  family  of  nations,  even 
though  they  had  all  agreed  to  many  treaties  which  caused 
such  an  obligation.  But,  in  the  long  run,  under  the  old 
system,  a  State  was  safe  only  as  it  could  protect  itself,  and 
those  States  willing  to  join  each  other  in  cooperation  for 
peace  had  to  hold  back  on  account  of  those  unwilling  to  do 
so.  So  long  as  German  methods  were  rampant  and  unde- 
feated all  the  others  had  to  be  cautious.  That  threat  will 
be  no  more  after  the  war,  and  the  way  will  consequently  be 
open  to  admit  the  freest  possible  cooperation  for  the  general 
good.  In  a  technical  sense,  the  theory  of  sovereignty  will 
be  modified  to  provide  that,  while  a  State's  life  and  liberty 
are  its  own  concern,  it  must  give  way  where  the  general 
good  is  concerned.  This  is  the  fundamental  basis  on  which 
the  new  order  is  to  be  founded,  on  which  the  new  interna- 
tional law  will  be  built  by  the  processes  of  precedent  and 
formal  enactment.  And  it  is  provided  that  such  law  shall 
be  enforced  by  joint  employment  of  the  strength  of  the 
nations  constituting  the  league. 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  SPEAKERS  23 

The  use  of  economic  boycott  for  this  purpose,  if  it  is 
made  part  of  the  system,  will  mean  that  the  whole  warlike 
law  of  blockade  will  be  employed  to  bring  the  recalcitrant 
to  reason.  The  numerous  methods  now  in  operation  to  con- 
trol exports  and  imports,  cancel  enemy  patents,  intern  enemy 
aliens,  place  enemy  property  under  custody,  etc.,  etc.,  illus- 
trate the  organization  that  would  occur,  with  the  exception 
that  all  this  would  happen  in  peace  time. 

Organization  of  the  "major  force  of  mankind*'  to  secure 
compliance  with  the  law  would  be  a  very  simple  matter,  now 
that  we  have  the  precedent  of  the  Supreme  War  Council. 
The  council  itself  consists  of  the  premier,  or  chief  executive, 
and  one  minister  of  each  of  the  nations  which  are  members. 
Attached  to  them  and  sitting  permanently  is  a  board  of 
military  representatives,  each  representing  a  country  and 
each  with  his  staff,  who  are  equal  in  authority  with  the 
regular  national  chief  of  staff.  Operating  in  the  field  is  a 
generalissimo  in  command  of  all  national  armies,  which  are 
under  the  immediate  control  of  national  officers.  The 
Allied  Naval  Council  is  organized  along  similar  lines. 

'Wo  member  of  the  League  should  make  any  other 
offensive  or  defensive  treaty  or  alliance,  and  all  treaties  of 
whatever  nature  made  by  any  member  of  the  League  should 
at  once  be  made  public." 

The  old  political  system  of  the  balance  of  power  sought 
stability  and  peace  by  alliance.  That  is,  did  lip  service  to 
the  fact  that  common  interests,  real  or  fancied,  demanded 
larger  organization  than  the  individual  State.  Recent  alli- 
ances have  all  been  "defensive"  in  name,  which  would  sug- 
gest that  no  States  even  before  the  war  were  able  to  assert 
in  the  face  of  world  opinion  that  their  purpose  was  offensive. 
Even  a   genuinely  defensive   alliance  is   unnecessary  if   a 


24    LEAGUE  TO  ENFORCE  PEACE 

League  of  Nations  gives  the  same  security  in  a  larger  way. 
The  old  system  of  alliance  bred  secret  engagements,  and  the 
vicious  uncertainty  created  by  them  will  naturally  fall  with 
the  system  of  the  balance  of  power. 

"Such  a  League  must  he  formed  at  the  time  of  the  defi- 
nitive peace,  or  the  opportunity  may  be  lost  forever.*0 


Speech  Material 

A  PROPHECY 
Men,  my  brothers,  men  the  workers,  ever  reaping  something 

new: 
That  which  they  have  done  but  earnest  of  the  things  that 

they  shall  do. 
For  I  dipt  into  the  future,  far  as  human  eye  could  see, 
Saw  the  vision   of  the  world,    and   all   the  wonder   that 

would  be; 
Saw   the  heavens   fill   with  commerce,    argosies  of   magic 

sails, 
Pilots  of  the  purple  twilight,  dropping  down  with  costly 

bales ; 
Heard  the  heavens  fill  with  shouting,  and  there  rained  a 

ghastly  dew 
From  the  nations'  airy  navies  grappling  in  the  central  blue; 
Far    along    the    world-wide    whisper    of    the    south-wind 

rushing  warm, 
With   the  standards  of  the  people  plunging   through   the 

thunderstorm; 
Till  the  war-drum  throb'd  no  longer,  and  the  battle  flags 

were  furl'd 
In  the  Parliament  of  man,  the  Federation  of  the  world. 
There  the  common  sense  of  most  shall  hold  a  fretful  realm 

in  awe, 
And  the  kindly  earth  shall  slumber  lapt  in  universal  law. 
(Alfred  Tennyson,  1842) 

A  FORECAST 
A  federation  of  the  highest  nations — exercising  supreme 
authority — may,   by   forbidding  wars   between   any   of   its 
constituent  nations,  put  an  end  to  the  rebarbarization  which 
is  continually  threatening  civilization. 

(Herbert  Spencer,  Principles  of  Sociology) 

25 


Terse  Paragraphs 

from   Messages  and    Speeches 

of  the  President 

THE  FOURTEENTH  POINT 

A  general  association  of  nations  must  be  formed  under 
specific  covenants,  for  the  purpose  of  affording  mutual 
guarantees  of  political  independence  and  territorial  integrity 
to  great  and  small  States  alike. 

A  CONSTABLE  TO  KEEP  THE  PEACE 

In  the  last  analysis  the  peace  of  society  is  obtained  by 
force,  and  when  action  comes  it  comes  by  opinion,  but  back 
of  the  opinion  is  the  ultimate  application  of  force.  The 
greater  body  of  opinion  says  to  the  lesser  body  of  opinion, 
"We  may  be  wrong,  but  you  have  to  live  under  our  direc- 
tion for  the  time  being,  until  you  are  more  numerous  than 
we  are.**  That  is  what  I  understand  it  amounts  to.  Now, 
let  us  suppose  that  we  have  formed  a  family  of  nations  and 
that  family  of  nations  says,  "The  world  is  not  going  to 
have  any  more  wars  of  this  sort  without  at  least  first  going 
through  certain  processes  to  show  whether  there  is  any- 
thing in  its  case  or  not.**  If  you  say,  "We  shall  not  have 
any  war,**  you  have  got  to  have  the  force  to  make  the 
"shall**  bite.  And  the  rest  of  the  world,  if  America  takes 
part  in  this  thing,  will  have  the  right  to  expect  from  her  that 
26 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  SPEAKERS  27 

6he  contribute  her  element  of  force  to  the  general  under- 
standing. Surely  that  is  not  a  militaristic  ideal.  That  is 
a  very  practical  ideal. 

(Address  before  the  Union  Against 
Militarism:  May  8,  1916) 

A  LEAGUE  OF  NATIONS  # 
Only  when  the  great  nations  of  the  world  have  reached 
some  sort  of  agreement  as  to  what  they  hold  to  be  funda- 
mental to  their  common  interest,  and  as  to  some  feasible 
method  of  acting  in  concert  when  any  nation  or  group  of 
nations  seeks  to  disturb  those  fundamental  things,  can  we 
feel  that  civilization  is  at  last  in  a  way  of  justifying  its 
existence  and  claiming  to  be  finally  established.  It  is  clear 
that  nations  must  in  the  future  be  governed  by  the  same 
high  code  of  honor  that  we  demand  of  individuals. 

Repeated  utterances  of  the  leading  statesmen  of  most 
of  the  great  nations  now  engaged  in  war  have  made  it 
plain  that  their  thought  has  come  to  this — that  the  principle 
of  public  right  must  henceforth  take  precedence  over  the 
individual  interests  of  particular  nations,  and  that  the  nations 
of  the  world  must  in  some  way  band  themselves  together  to 
see  that  that  right  prevails  as  against  any  sort  of  selfish 
aggression;  that  henceforth  alliance  must  not  be  set  up 
against  alliance,  understanding  against  understanding,  that 
at  the  heart  of  that  common  object  must  lie  the  inviolable 
rights  of  peoples  and  of  mankind.  ...  If  it  should  ever 
be  our  privilege  to  suggest  or  initiate  a  movement  for  peace 
among  the  nations  now  at  war,  I  am  sure  that  the  people  of 
the  United  States  would  wish  their  Government  to  move 
along  the  line  of  ...  a  universal  association  of  the  nations 
to  maintain  the  inviolate  security  of  the  highway  of  the 
seas  for  the  common  and  unhindered  use  of  all  the  nations 


a>    LEAGUE  TO  ENFORCE  PEACE 

of  the  world,  and  to  prevent  any  war  begun  either  contrary 
to  treaty  covenants  or  without  warning  and  full  submission 
of  the  causes  to  the  opinion  of  the  world, — a  virtual  guaran- 
tee of  territorial  integrity  and  political  independence.  .  .  . 
I  feel  that  the  the  world  is  even  now  upon  the  eve  of  a  great 
consummation,  when  some  common  force  will  be  brought 
into  existence  which  shall  safeguard  right  as  the  first  and 
most  fundamental  interest  of  all  peoples  and  all  governments, 
when  coercion  shall  be  summoned  not  to  the  service  of  politi- 
cal ambition  or  selfish  hostility,  but  to  the  service  of  a 
common  order,  a  common  justice,  and  a  common  peace. 
God  grant  that  the  dawn  of  that  day  of  frank  dealing  and 
of  settled  peace,  concord  and  cooperation  may  be  near  at 
hand! 

(Address  to  the  League  to  Enforce  Peace, 
Washington,  D.  C:  May  27,  1916) 

A  DISENTANGLING  ALLIANCE 
I  shall  never  myself  consent  to  an  entangling  alliance, 
but  would  gladly  assent  to  a  disentangling  alliance,  an 
alliance  which  would  disentangle  the  peoples  of  the  world 
from  those  combinations  in  which  they  seek  their  own  separ- 
ate and  private  interests,  and  unite  the  peoples  of  the  world 
to  preserve  the  peace  of  the  world  upon  a  basis  of  common 
right  and  justice.  There  is  liberty  there,  not  limitation. 
There  is  freedom,  not  entanglement.  There  is  the  achieve- 
ment of  the  highest  thing  for  which  the  United  States  has 
declared  its  principles. 

(Memorial  Day  address:  May  30,  1916) 

A  FEASIBLE  ASSOCIATION 
We  believe  that  every  people  has  the  right  to  choose  the 
sovereignty  under  which  it  shall  live;  that  the  small  states 
of  the  world  have  a  right  to  enjoy  from  other  nations  the 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  SPEAKERS  29 

same  respect  for  their  sovereignty  and  for  their  territorial 
integrity  that  great  and  powerful  nations  expect  and  insist 
upon;  and  that  the  world  has  a  right  to  be  free  from  every 
disturbance  of  its  peace  that  has  its  origin  in  aggression  or 
disregard  of  the  rights  of  peoples  and  nations;  and  we  believe 
that  the  time  has  come  when  it  is  the  duty  of  the  United 
States  to  join  with  the  other  nations  of  the  world  in  any 
feasible  association  that  will  effectively  serve  those  principles 
to  maintain  inviolate  the  complete  security  of  the  highway 
of  the  sea  for  the  complete  and  unhindered  use  of  all  nations. 
(Public  address:  June  17,  1916) 

A  JUST  AND  SETTLED  PEACE 
There  must  be  a  just  and  settled  peace,  and  we  here 
in  America  must  contribute  the  full  force  of  our  enthusiasm 
and  of  our  authority  as  a  nation  to  the  organization  of  that 
peace  upon  world-wide  foundations  that  cannot  easily  be 
shaken.  No  nation  should  be  forced  to  take  sides  in  any 
quarrel  in  which  its  own  honor  and  integrity  and  the  fortunes 
of  its  own  people  are  not  involved;  but  no  nation  can  any 
longer  remain  neutral  as  against  any  wilful  disturbance  of 
the  peace  of  the  world.  The  effects  of  war  can  no  longer 
be  confined  to  the  areas  of  battle.  No  nation  stands  wholly 
apart  in  interest  when  the  life  and  interest  of  all  nations  are 
thrown  into  confusion  and  peril.  If  hopeful  and  generous 
enterprise  is  to  be  renewed,  if  the  healing  and  helpful  arts 
of  life  are  indeed  to  be  revived  when  peace  comes  again,  a 
new  atmosphere  of  justice  and  friendship  must  be  generated 
by  means  the  world  has  never  tried  before.  The  nations  of 
the  world  must  unite  in  joint  guarantees  that  whatever  is 
done  to  disturb  the  whole  world's  life  must  first  be  tested  in 
the  court  of  the  whole  world's  opinion  before  it  is  attempted. 
These  ar«  the  new  foundations  the  world  must  build  for 


30    LEAGUE  TO  ENFORCE  PEACE 

itself,  and  we  must  play  our  part  in  the  reconstruction,  gen- 
erously and  without  too  much  thought  of  our  separate  inter- 
ests. We  must  make  ourselves  ready  to  play  it  intelligently, 
vigorously  and  well. 

(Speech  of  Acceptance  at  Long  Branch: 
September  2,  19/6) 

AMERICA  AND  THE  WORLD 

When  we  look  forward  to  the  years  to  come — I  wish  I 
could  say  the  months  to  come — to  the  end  of  this  war,  we 
want  all  the  world  to  know  that  we  are  ready  to  lend  our 
force  without  stint  to  the  preservation  of  peace  in  the  interest 
of  mankind.  The  world  is  no  longer  divided  into  little 
circles  of  interest.  The  world  no  longer  consists  of  neighbor- 
hoods. The  world  is  linked  together  in  a  common  life  and 
interest  such  as  humanity  never  saw  before,  and  the  starting 
of  wars  can  never  again  be  a  private  and  individual  matter 
for  the  nations.  What  disturbs  the  life  of  the  whole  world 
is  the  concern  of  the  whole  world,  and  it  is  our  duty  to  lend 
the  full  force  of  this  nation,  moral  and  physical,  to  a  league 
of  nations  which  shall  see  to  it  that  nobody  disturbs  the 
peace  of  the  world  without  submitting  his  case  first  to  the 
opinion  of  mankind. 

(Semi-Centennial  address  at  Omaha, 
Nebraska:  October  6,  1916) 

A  DECLARATION  OF  INTERDEPENDENCE 

The  business  of  neutrality  is  over.  .  .  .  War  now  has 
such  a  scale  that  the  position  of  neutrals  sooner  or  later 
becomes  intolerable,  just  as  neutrality  would  be  intolerable 
to  me  if  I  lived  in  a  community  where  everybody  had  to 
assert  his  own  rights  by  force  and  I  had  to  go  around  among 
my  neighbors  and  say,  "Here,  this  cannot  last  any  longer; 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  SPEAKERS  31 

let  us  get  together  and  see  that  nobody  disturbs  the  peace 
any  more."  That  is  what  society  is,  and  we  have  not  yet  a 
society  of  nations.  We  must  have  a  society  of  nations.  Not 
suddenly,  not  by  insistence,  not  by  any  hostile  emphasis 
upon  the  demand,  but  by  the  demonstration  of  the  needs 
of  the  time.   *  *  *  * 

(Address  before  the  Woman  s  City  Club 
of  Cincinnati:  October  25,  1916) 

A  COVENANT  OF  CO-OPERATIVE  PEACE 

*  *  *  *  In  every  discussion  of  the  peace  that  must  end 
this  war  it  is  taken  for  granted  that  that  peace  must  be  fol- 
lowed by  some  definite  concert  of  power,  which  will  make 
it  virtually  impossible  that  any  such  catastrophe  should  ever 
overwhelm  us  again.  Every  lover  of  mankind,  every  sane 
and  thoughtful  man,  must  take  that  for  granted.   *  *  *  * 

It  is  inconceivable  that  the  people  of  the  United  States 
should  play  no  part  in  that  great  enterprise.  To  take  part  in 
such  a  service  will  be  the  opportunity  for  which  they  have 
sought  to  prepare  themselves  by  the  very  principles  and 
purposes  of  their  polity  and  the  approved  practices  of  their 
Government,  ever  since  the  days  when  they  set  up  a  new 
nation  in  the  high  and  honorable  hope  that  it  might,  in  all 
that  it  was  and  did,  show  mankind  the  way  to  liberty.  They 
cannot,  in  honor,  withhold  the  service  to  which  they  are  now 
about  to  be  challenged.  They  do  not  wish  to  withhold  it. 
But  they  owe  it  to  themselves  and  to  the  other  nations  of  the 
world  to  state  the  conditions  under  which  they  will  feel  free 
to  render  it 

That  service  is  nothing  less  than  this — to  add  their 
authority  and  their  power  to  the  authority  and  force  of  other 
nations  to  guarantee  peace  and  justice  throughout  the  world. 


32    LEAGUE  TO  ENFORCE  PEACE 

Such  a  settlement  cannot  now  be  long  postponed.  It  is  right 
that  before  it  comes  this  Government  should  frankly  formu- 
late the  conditions  upon  which  it  would  feel  justified  in  asking 
our  people  to  approve  its  formal  and  solemn  adherence  to  a 
league  for  peace.  *  *  *  We  owe  it  to  randor  and  to  a 
just  regard  for  the  opinion  of  mankind  to  say  that,  so  far  as 
our  participation  in  guarantees  of  future  peace  is  concerned, 
it  makes  a  great  deal  of  difference  in  what  way  and  upon 
what  terms  it  is  ended.  The  treaties  and  agreements  which 
bring  it  to  an  end  must  embody  terms  which  will  create  a 
peace  that  is  worth  guaranteeing  and  preserving,  a  peace  that 
will  win  the  approval  of  mankind,  not  merely  a  peace  that 
will  serve  the  several  interests  and  immediate  aims  of  the 
nations  engaged. 

We  shall,  I  feel  sure,  have  a  voice  in  determining  whether 
they  shall  be  made  lasting  or  not  by  the  guarantees  of  a 
universal  covenant,  and  our  judgment  upon  what  is  funda- 
mental and  essential  as  a  condition  precedent  to  permanency 
should  be  spoken  now,  not  afterwards,  when  it  may  be  too 
late. 

No  covenant  of  co-operative  peace  that  does  not  include 
the  peoples  of  the  New  World  can  suffice  to  keep  the  future 
safe  against  war,  and  yet  there  is  only  one  sort  of  peace  that 
the  peoples  of  America  could  join  in  guaranteeing.  *  *  *  * 
Mere  agreements  may  not  make  peace  secure.  It  will  be 
absolutely  necessary  that  a  force  be  created  as  a  guarantor 
of  the  permanency  of  the  settlement  so  much  greater  than  the 
force  of  any  nation  now  engaged,  or  any  alliance  hitherto 
formed  or  projected,  that  no  nation,  no  probable  combina- 
tion of  nations,  could  face  or  withstand  it.  If  the  peace 
presently  to  be  made  is  to  endure,  it  must  be  a  peace  made 
secure  by  the  organized  major  force  of  mankind.    *  *  *  * 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  SPEAKERS  35 

*  *  *  *  No  peace  can  last,  or  ought  to  last,  which  does 
not  recognize  and  accept  the  principle  that  governments  derive 
all  their  just  powers  from  the  consent  of  the  governed,  and 
that  no  right  anywhere  exists  to  hand  peoples  about  from 
sovereignty  to  sovereignty  as  if  they  were  property. 

I  take  it  for  granted,  for  instance,  if  I  may  venture  upon 
a  single  example,  that  statesmen  everywhere  are  agreed  that 
there  should  be  a  united,  independent,  and  autonomous 
Poland,  and  that  henceforth  inviolable  security  of  life,  of 
worship,  and  of  industrial  and  social  development  should  be 
guaranteed  to  all  peoples  who  have  lived  hitherto  under  the 
power  of  governments  devoted  to  a  faith  and  purpose  hostile 
to  their  own.  *  *  *  * 

Any  peace  which  does  not  recognize  and  accept  this  prin- 
ciple will  inevitably  be  upset.  It  will  not  rest  upon  the 
affections  or  the  convictions  of  mankind.  The  ferment  of 
spirit  of  whole  populations  will  fight  subtly  and  constantly 
against  it,  and  all  the  world  will  sympathize.  The  world 
can  be  at  peace  only  if  its  life  is  stable,  and  there  can  be  no 
stability  where  the  will  is  in  rebellion,  where  there  is  not 
tranquillity  of  spirit  and  a  sense  of  justice,  of  freedom,  and 
of  right. 

So  far  as  practicable,  moreover,  every  great  people  now 
struggling  towards  a  full  development  of  its  resources  and  of 
its  powers  should  be  assured  a  direct  outlet  to  the  great 
highways  of  the  sea.  Where  this  cannot  be  done  by  the 
cession  of  territory,  it  can  no  doubt  be  done  by  the  neutral- 
ization of  direct  rights  of  way  under  the  general  guarantee 
which  will  assure  the  peace  itself.  With  a  right  comity  of 
arrangement  10  nation  need  be  shut  away  from  free  access 
to  the  open  paths  of  the  world's  commerce.    *  *  *  * 

*  *  *  *  It  (the  freedom  of  the  seas)  is  a  problem  closely 


34    LEAGUE  TO  ENFORCE  PEACE 

connected  with  the  limitation  of  naval  armaments  and  the 
co-operation  of  the  navies  of  the  world  in  keeping  the  seas  at 
once  free  and  safe.  And  the  question  of  limiting  naval 
armaments  opens  the  wider  and  perhaps  more  difficult  ques- 
tion of  the  limitation  of  armies  and  of  all  programmes  of 
military  preparation. 

Difficult  and  delicate  as  these  questions  are,  they  must  be 
faced  with  the  utmost  candor  and  decided  in  a  spirit  of  real 
accommodation  if  peace  is  to  come  with  healing  in  its  wings, 
and  come  to  stay.  Peace  cannot  be  had  without  concession 
and  sacrifice.  There  can  be  no  sense  of  safety  and  equality 
among  the  nations  if  great  preponderating  armaments  are 
henceforth  to  continue  here  and  there  to  be  built  up  and 
maintained. 

The  statesmen  of  the  world  must  plan  for  peace  and 
nations  must  adjust  and  accommodate  their  policy  to  it  as 
they  have  planned  for  war  and  made  ready  for  pitiless  con- 
test and  rivalry.  The  question  of  armaments,  whether  on 
land  or  sea,  is  the  most  immediately  and  intensely  practical 
question  connected  with  the  future  fortunes  of  nations  and  of 
mankind.   *  *  *  * 

And  in  holding  out  the  expectation  that  the  people  and 
Government  of  the  United  States  will  join  the  other  civilized 
nations  of  the  world  in  guaranteeing  the  permanence  of  peace 
upon  such  terms  as  I  have  named,  I  speak  with  the  greater 
boldness  and  confidence  because  it  is  clear  to  every  man  who 
can  think  that  there  is  in  this  promise  no  breach  in  either  our 
traditions  or  our  policy  as  a  nation,  but  a  fulfillment  rather 
of  all  that  we  have  professed  or  striven  for. 

I  am  proposing,  as  it  were,  that  the  nations  should  with 
one  accord  adopt  the  doctrine  of  President  Monroe  as  the 
doctrine  of  the  world:  that  no  nation  should  seek  to  extend 
its  policy  over  any  other  nation  or  people,  but  that  every 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  SPEAKERS  35 

people  should  be  left  free  to  determine  its  own  policy,  its 
own  way  of  development,  unhindered,  unthreatened,  un- 
afraid, the  little  along  with  the  great  and  powerful. 

I  am  proposing  that  all  nations  henceforth  avoid  entangling 
alliances  which  would  draw  them  into  competitions  of  power, 
catch  them  in  a  net  of  intrigue  and  selfish  rivalry,  and  disturb 
their  own  affairs  with  influences  intruded  from  without. 
There  is  no  entangling  alliance  in  a  concert  of  power.  When 
all  unite  to  act  in  the  same  sense  and  with  the  same  purpose, 
all  act  in  the  common  interest  and  are  free  to  live  their  own 
lives  under  a  common  protection. 

I  am  proposing  government  by  the  consent  of  the  governed ; 
that  freedom  of  the  seas  which  in  international  conference 
after  conference  representatives  of  the  United  States  have 
urged  with  the  eloquence  of  those  who  are  the  convinced 
disciples  of  Liberty ;  and  that  moderation  of  armaments  which 
makes  of  armies  and  navies  a  power  for  order  merely,  not  an 
instrument  of  aggression  or  of  selfish  violence. 

These  are  American  principles,  American  policies.  We 
can  stand  for  no  others.  And  they  are  also  the  principles  and 
policies  of  forward-looking  men  and  women  everywhere,  of 
every  modern  nation,  of  every  enlightened  community.  They 
are  the  principles  of  mankind  and  must  prevail. 

(Address  to  the  Senate:  January  22,  1917) 

WHY  WE  WENT  TO  WAR 

Our  object  is  to  vindicate  the  principles  of  peace  and 
justice  in  the  life  of  the  world  as  against  selfish  and  auto- 
cratic power,  and  to  set  up  amongst  the  really  free  and  self- 
governed  peoples  of  the  world  such  a  concert  of  purpose  and 
of  action  as  will  henceforth  insure  the  observance  of  those 
principles. 


36    LEAGUE  TO  ENFORCE  PEACE 

A  steadfast  concert  for  peace  can  never  be  maintained 
except  by  a  partnership  of  democratic  nations.  No  auto- 
cratic Government  could  be  trusted  to  keep  faith  within  it  or 
observe  its  covenants.  It  must  be  a  league  of  honor,  a 
partnership  of  opinion.  Intrigue  would  eat  its  vitals  away; 
the  plottings  of  inner  circles  who  could  plan  what  they  would 
and  render  account  to  no  one  would  be  a  corruption  seated 
at  its  very  heart.  Only  free  peoples  can  hold  their  purpose 
and  their  honor  steady  to  a  common  end  and  prefer  the 
interests  of  mankind  to  any  narrow  interest  of  their  own. 

T     T     V     TT 

We  are  now  about  to  accept  gage  of  battle  with  this 
natural  foe  to  liberty  and  shall,  if  necessary,  spend  the  whole 
force  of  the  nation  to  check  and  nullify  its  pretensions  and 
its  power.  We  are  glad,  now  that  we  see  the  facts  with  no 
veil  of  false  pretense  about  them,  to  fight  thus  for  the  ultimate 
peace  of  the  world  and  for  the  liberation  of  its  peoples,  the 
German  people  included;  for  the  rights  of  nations,  great  and 
small,  and  the  privilege  of  men  everywhere  to  choose  their 
way  of  life  and  of  obedience. 

The  world  must  be  made  safe  for  democracy.  Its  peace 
must  be  planted  upon  the  tested  foundations  of  political  lib- 
erty. We  have  no  selfish  ends  to  serve.  We  desire  no 
conquest,  no  dominion.  We  seek  no  indemnities  for  our- 
selves, no  material  compensation  for  the  sacrifices  we  shall 
freely  make.  We  are  but  one  of  the  champions  of  the  rights 
of  mankind.  We  shall  be  satisfied  when  those  rights  have 
been  made  as  secure  as  the  faith  and  the  freedom  of  nationt 
can  make  them.  *  *  *  * 

It  is  a  distressing  and  oppressive  duty,  gentlemen  of  the 
Congress,  which  I  have  performed  in  thus  addressing  you. 
There  are,  it  may  be,  many  months  of  fiery  trial  and  sacrifice 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  SPEAKERS  3? 

ahead  of  us.  It  is  a  fearful  thing  to  lead  this  great,  peaceful 
people  into  war,  into  the  most  terrible  and  disastrous  of  all 
wars,  civilization  itself  seeming  to  be  in  the  balance.  But 
the  right  is  more  precious  than  peace,  and  we  shall  fight  for 
the  things  which  we  have  always  carried  nearest  our  hearts 
— for  democracy,  for  the  right  of  those  who  submit  to 
authority  to  have  a  voice  in  their  own  governments,  for  the 
rights  and  liberties  of  small  nations,  for  a  universal  dominion 
of  right  by  such  a  concert  of  free  peoples  as  shall  bring  peace 
and  safety  to  all  nations  and  make  the  world  itself  at  last 
free.  To  such  a  task  we  can  dedicate  our  lives  and  our 
fortunes,  everything  that  we  are  and  everything  that  we  have, 
with  the  pride  of  those  who  know  that  the  day  has  come  when 
America  is  privileged  to  spend  her  blood  and  her  might  for 
the  principles  that  gave  her  birth  and  happiness  and  the  peace 
which  she  has  treasured.  God  helping  her,  she  can  do  no 
other. 

(The  War  Message  to  Congress:  April  2,  1917) 

INTERNATIONAL  CO-OPERATION 

The  hope  of  the  world  is  that  when  the  European  war  is 
over,  arrangements  will  have  been  made  composing  many  of 
the  questions  which  have  hitherto  seemed  to  require  the 
arming  of  the  nations,  and  that  in  some  ordered  and  just  way 
the  peace  of  the  world  may  be  maintained  by  such  co- 
operations of  force  among  the  great  nations  as  may  be  neces- 
sary to  maintain  peace  and  freedom  throughout  the  world. 
When  these  arrangements  for  a  permanent  peace  are  made, 
we  can  determine  our  military  needs  and  adapt  our  course  of 
military  preparation  to  the  genius  of  a  world  organized  for 
justice  and  democracy. 

(Statement  on  the  General  Staff  Bill  April  6,  1917) 


38  LEAGUE  TO  ENFORCE  PEACE 

THE  BROTHERHOOD  OF  MANKIND 

And  then  the  free  peoples  of  the  world  must  draw 
together  in  some  common  covenant,  some  genuine  and  prac- 
tical co-operation  that  will  in  effect  combine  their  force  to 
secure  peace  and  justice  in  the  dealings  of  nations  with  one 
another.  The  brotherhood  of  mankind  must  no  longer  be  a 
fair  but  empty  phrase;  it  must  be  given  a  structure  of  force 
and  reality.  The  nations  must  realize  their  common  life  and 
effect  a  workable  partnership  to  secure  that  life  against  the 
aggressions  of  autocratic  and  self-pleasing  power. 
(Message  to  the  Russian  Government: 
published  June  10,  1917) 

A  WAR  FOR  FREEDOM 

The  facts  are  patent  to  all  the  world,  and  nowhere  are 
they  more  plainly  seen  than  in  the  United  States,  where  we 
are  accustomed  to  deal  with  facts  and  not  with  sophistries; 
and  the  great  fact  that  stands  out  above  all  the  rest  is  that 
this  is  a  Peoples'  War,  a  war  for  freedom  and  justice  and 
self-government  amongst  all  the  nations  of  the  world,  a  war 
to  make  the  world  safe  for  the  peoples  who  live  upon  it  and 
have  made  it  their  own,  the  German  people  themselves 
included;  and  that  with  us  rests  the  choice  to  break  through 
all  these  hypocrisies  and  patent  cheats  and  masks  of  brute 
force  and  help  set  the  world  free,  or  else  stand  aside  and  let 
it  be  dominated  a  long  age  through  by  sheer  weight  of  arms 
and  the  arbitrary  choices  of  self-constituted  masters. 
(Flag-Day  speech  at  Washington:  June  14,  1917) 

TO  DELIVER  FREE  PEOPLES 

*  *  *  *  The  object  of  this  war  is  to  deliver  the  free 
peoples  of  the  world  from  the  menace  and  the  actual  power 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  SPEAKERS  39 

of  a  vast  military  establishment  controlled  by  an  irresponsible 
government  which,  having  secretly  planned  to  dominate  the 
world,  proceeded  to  carry  the  plan  out  without  regard  either 
to  the  sacred  obligations  of  treaty  or  the  long-established 
practices  and  long-cherished  principles  of  international  action 
and  honor;  which  chose  its  own  time  for  the  war;  delivered 
its  blow  fiercely  and  suddenly;  stopped  at  no  barrier  either 
of  law  or  of  mercy;  swept  a  whole  continent  within  the  tide 
of  blood — not  the  blood  of  soldiers  only,  but  the  blood  of 
innocent  women  and  children  also  and  of  the  helpless  poor; 
and  now  stands  balked  but  not  defeated,  the  enemy  of  four- 
fifths  of  the  world.  This  power  is  not  the  German  people. 
It  is  the  ruthless  master  of  the  German  people.  It  is  no 
business  of  ours  how  that  great  people  came  under  its  control 
or  submitted  with  temporary  zest  to  the  domination  of  its 
purpose;  but  it  is  our  business  to  see  to  it  that  the  history  of 
the  rest  of  the  world  is  no  longer  left  to  its  handling.  *  *  *  * 

The  American  people  *  *  *  *  believe  that  peace  should 
rest  upon  the  rights  of  peoples,  not  the  rights  of  Governments 
— the  rights  of  peoples  great  or  small,  weak  or  powerful — 
their  equal  right  to  freedom  and  security  and  self-government 
and  to  a  participation  upon  fair  terms  in  the  economic  oppor- 
tunities of  the  world,  the  German  people  of  course  included 
if  they  will  accept  equality  and  not  seek  domination. 

The  test,  therefore,  of  every  plan  of  peace  is  this:  Is  it 
based  upon  the  faith  of  all  the  peoples  involved  or  merely 
upon  the  word  of  an  ambitious  and  intriguing  government 
on  the  one  hand  and  of  a  group  of  free  peoples  on  the  other? 
This  is  a  test  which  goes  to  the  root  of  the  matter;  and  it  is 
the  test  which  must  be  applied.  *  *  *  * 

We  believe  that  the  intolerable  wrongs  done  in  this  war 
by  the  furious  and  brutal  power  of  the  Imperial  German 
Government  ought  to  be  repaired,  but  not  at  the  expense  of 


4$  LEAGUE  TO  ENFORCE  PEACE 

the  sovereignty  of  any  people — rather  a  vindication  of  the 
sovereignty  both  of  those  that  are  weak  and  of  those  that  are 
strong.  Punitive  damages,  the  dismemberment  of  empires, 
the  establishment  of  selfish  and  exclusive  economic  leagues, 
we  deem  inexpedient  and  in  the  end  worse  than  futile,  no 
proper  basis  for  a  peace  of  any  kind,  least  of  all  for  an 
enduring  peace.  That  must  be  based  upon  justice  and  fair- 
ness and  the  common  rights  of  mankind.  *  *  *  * 

We  cannot  take  the  word  of  the  present  rulers  of  Germany 
as  a  guarantee  of  anything  that  is  to  endure,  unless  explicitly 
supported  by  such  conclusive  evidence  of  the  will  and  pur- 
pose of  the  German  people  themselves  as  the  other  peoples 
of  the  world  would  be  justified  in  accepting.  Without  such 
guarantees,  treaties  of  settlement,  agreements  for  disarm- 
ament, covenants  to  set  up  arbitration  in  the  place  of  force, 
territorial  adjustments,  reconstitutions  of  small  nations,  if 
made  with  the  German  Government,  no  man,  no  nation, 
could  now  depend  on.  We  must  await  some  new  evidence 
of  the  purposes  of  the  great  peoples  of  the  Central  Powers. 
God  grant  it  may  be  given  soon  and  in  a  way  to  restore  the 
confidence  of  all  peoples  everywhere  in  the  faith  of  nations 
and  the  possibility  of  a  covenanted  peace. 

(The  reply  to  Pope  Benedicts  identic  letter  to  the 
belligerent  governments:  August  27,  1917) 

A  JUST  AND  HOLY  WAR 

*  *  *  *  We  shall  hope  to  secure  for  the  peoples  of  the 
Balkan  peninsula  and  for  the  people  of  the  Turkish  empire 
the  right  and  opportunity  to  make  their  own  lives  safe,  their 
own  fortunes  secure  against  oppression  or  injustice  and  from 
the  dictation  of  foreign  courts  or  parties,  and  our  attitude  and 
purpose  with  regard  to  Germany  herself  are  of  a  like  kind. 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  SPEAKERS  41 

*  *  *  *  It  is  because  it  is  for  us  a  war  of  high,  cisinter- 
ested  purpose,  in  which  all  the  free  peoples  of  the  world  are 
banded  together  for  the  vindication  of  right,  a  war  for  the 
preservation  of  our  nation  and  of  all  that  it  has  held  dear  of 
principle  and  of  purpose,  that  we  feel  ourselves  doubly  con- 
strained to  propose  for  its  outcome  only  that  which  is  right- 
eous and  of  irreproachable  intention,  for  our  foes  as  well  as 
for  our  friends.  The  cause  being  just  and  holy,  the  settle- 
ment must  be  of  like  motive  and  quality.  For  this  we  can 
fight,  but  for  nothing  less  noble  or  less  worthy  of  our  tradi- 
tions. For  this  cause  we  entered  the  war  and  for  this  cause 
will  we  battle  until  the  last  gun  is  fired.  *  *  *  * 

(Message  to  Congress:  December  4,  1917) 

A  PARTNERSHIP  OF  PEOPLES 

The  worst  that  can  happen  to  the  detriment  of  the  Ger- 
man people  is  this,  that  if  they  should  still,  after  the  war  is 
over,  continue  to  be  obliged  to  live  under  ambitious  and 
intriguing  masters  interested  to  disturb  the  peace  of  the  world, 
men  or  classes  of  men  whom  the  other  peoples  of  the  world 
could  not  trust,  it  might  be  impossible  to  admit  them  to  the 
partnership  of  nations  which  must  henceforth  guarantee  the 
world's  peace.  That  partnership  must  be  a  partnership  of 
peoples,  not  a  mere  partnership  of  governments. 

(Message  to  Congress:  December  14,  1917) 

MUTUAL  GUARANTEES  TO  ALL 

A  general  association  of  nations  must  be  formed,  under 
specific  covenants,  for  the  purpose  of  affording  mutual  guar- 
antees of  political  independence  and  territorial  integrity  to 
great  and  small  states  alike. 

(Address  of  January)  8t  1918) 


42     LEAGUE  TO  ENFORCE  PEACE 

A  LEAGUE  FOR  PEACE 

*  *  *  *  Shall  the  military  power  of  any  nation  or  group 
of  nations  be  suffered  to  determine  the  fortune  of  peoples 
over  whom  they  have  no  right  to  rule  except  the  right  of 
force? 

Shall  strong  nations  be  free  to  wrong  weak  nations  and 
make  them  subject  to  their  purpose  and  interest? 

Shall  peoples  be  ruled  and  dominated,  even  in  their  own 
internal  affairs,  by  arbitrary  and  irresponsible  force  or  by 
their  own  will  and  choice? 

Shall  there  be  a  common  standard  of  right  and  privilege 
for  all  peoples  and  nations  or  shall  the  strong  do  as  they  will 
and  the  weak  suffer  without  redress? 

Shall  the  assertion  of  right  be  haphazard  and  by  casual 
alliance,  or  shall  there  be  a  common  concert  to  oblige  the 
observance  of  common  rights? 

No  man,  no  group  of  men,  chose  these  to  be  the  issues  of 
the  struggle.  They  are  the  issues  of  it;  and  they  must  be 
settled, — by  no  arrangement  or  compromise  or  adjustment  of 
interests,  but  definitely  and  once  for  all  and  with  a  full  and 
unequivocal  acceptance  of  the  principle  that  the  interest  of 
the  weakest  is  as  sacred  as  the  interest  of  the  strongest. 

This  is  what  we  mean  when  we  speak  of  a  permanent 
peace,  if  we  speak  sincerely,  intelligently,  and  with  a  real 
knowledge  and  comprehension  of  the  matter  we  deal  with. 

•*•     **"     •*•     *** 

*  *  *  *  If  it  be  indeed  and  in  truth  the  common  object 
of  the  governments  associated  against  Germany  and  of  the 
nations  whom  they  govern,  as  I  believe  it  to  be,  to  achieve  by 
the  coming  settlements  a  secure  and  lasting  peace,  it  will  be 
necessary  that  all  who  sit  down  at  the  peace  table  shall  come 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  SPEAKERS  43 

ready  and  willing  to  pay  the  price,  the  only  price,  that  will 
procure  it;  and  ready  and  willing,  also,  to  create  in  some 
virile  fashion  the  only  instrumentality  by  which  it  can  be  made 
certain  that  the  agreements  of  the  peace  will  be  honoured 
and  fulfilled. 

That  price  is  impartial  justice  in  every  item  of  the  settle- 
ment, no  matter  whose  interest  is  crossed;  and  not  only 
impartial  justice  but  also  the  satisfaction  of  the  several  peoples 
whose  fortunes  are  dealt  with.  That  indispensable  instru- 
mentality is  a  League  of  Nations  formed  under  covenants 
that  will  be  efficacious.  Without  such  an  instrumentality,  by 
which  the  peace  of  the  world  can  be  guaranteed,  peace  will 
rest  in  part  upon  the  word  of  outlaws  and  only  upon  that 
word.  For  Germany  will  have  to  redeem  her  character,  not 
by  what  happens  at  the  peace  table  but  by  what  follows. 

And,  as  I  see  it,  the  constitution  of  that  League  of  Nations 
and  the  clear  definition  of  its  objects  must  be  a  part,  is  in  a 
sense  the  most  essential  part,  of  the  peace  settlement  itself. 
It  cannot  be  formed  now.  If  formed  now,  it  would  be 
merely  a  new  alliance  confined  to  the  nations  associated 
against  a  common  enemy.  It  is  not  likely  that  it  could  be 
formed  after  the  settlement.  It  is  necessary  to  guarantee  the 
peace;  and  the  peace  cannot  be  guaranteed  as  an  after- 
thought. The  reason,  to  speak  in  plain  terms  again,  why  it 
must  be  guaranteed  is  that  there  will  be  parties  to  the  peace 
whose  promises  have  proved  untrustworthy,  and  means  must 
be  found  in  connection  with  the  peace  settlement  itself  to 
remove  that  source  of  insecurity.  It  would  be  folly  to  leave 
the  guarantee  to  the  subsequent  voluntary  action  of  the  gov- 
ernments we  have  seen  destroy  Russia  and  deceive  Roumania. 

But  these  general  terms  do  not  disclose  the  whole  matter. 
Some  details  are  needed  to  make  them  sound  less  like  a  thesis 


44    LEAGUE  TO  ENFORCE  PEACE 

and  more  like  a  practical  programme.  These,  then,  are  some 
of  the  particulars,  and  I  state  them  with  the  greater  confidence 
because  I  can  state  them  authoritatively  as  representing  this 
Government's  interpretation  of  its  own  duty  with  regard  to 
peace: 

First,  the  impartial  justice  meted  out  must  involve  no  dis- 
crimination between  those  to  whom  we  wish  to  be  just  and 
those  to  whom  we  do  not  wish  to  be  just.  It  must  be  a 
justice  that  plays  no  favorites  and  knows  no  standard  but  the 
equal  rights  of  the  several  peoples  concerned; 

Second,  no  special  or  separate  interest  of  any  single  nation 
or  any  group  of  nations  can  be  made  the  basis  of  any  part  of 
the  settlement  which  is  not  consistent  with  the  common  interest 
of  all; 

Third,  there  can  be  no  leagues  or  alliances  or  special 
covenants  and  understandings  within  the  general  and  common 
family  of  the  League  of  Nations; 

Fourth,  and  more  specifically,  there  can  be  no  special, 
selfish  economic  combinations  within  the  League  and  no 
employment  of  any  form  of  economic  boycott  or  exclusion 
except  as  the  power  of  economic  penalty  by  exclusion  from 
the  markets  of  the  world  may  be  vested  in  the  League  of 
Nations  itself  as  a  means  of  discipline  and  control; 

Fifth,  all  international  agreements  and  treaties  of  every 
kind  must  be  made  known  in  their  entirety  to  the  rest  of  the 
world. 

Special  alliances  and  economic  rivalries  and  hostilities  have 
been  the  prolific  source  in  the  modern  world  of  the  plans  and 
passions  that  produce  war.  It  would  be  an  insincere  as  well 
as  an  insecure  peace  that  did  not  exclude  them  in  definite  and 
binding  terms. 

(Address  at  Nen>  York  City,  September  27,  1918) 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  SPEAKERS  *> 

A  PEOPLE'S  WAR 

It  is  the  peculiarity  of  this  great  war  that  while  statesmen 
have  seemed  to  cast  about  for  definitions  of  their  purpose 
and  have  sometimes  seemed  to  shift  their  ground  and  their 
point  of  view,  the  thought  of  the  mass  of  men,  whom  states- 
men are  supposed  to  instruct  and  lead,  has  grown  more  and 
more  unclouded,  more  and  more  certain  of  what  it  is  that 
they  are  fighting  for.  National  purposes  have  fallen  more 
and  more  into  the  background  and  the  common  purpose  of 
enlightened  mankind  has  taken  their  place.  The  counsels  of 
plain  men  have  become  on  all  hands  more  simple  and 
straightforward  and  more  unified  than  the  counsels  of  sophis- 
ticated men  of  affairs,  who  still  retain  the  impression  that  they 
are  playing  a  game  of  power  and  playing  for  high  stakes. 
That  is  why  I  have  said  that  this  is  a  people's  war,  not  a 
statesmen's.  Statesmen  must  follow  the  clarified  common 
thought  or  be  broken. 

(Address  at  New  York  City,  September  27,  19/8) 


Public  Opinion  Overseas 

Expressions  by  Statesmen  and 
National  Leaders 


DAVID  LLOYD  GEORGE 

Prime  Minister  of  Great  Britain 
The  world  will  then  be  able,  when  this  war  is  over,  to 
attend  to  its  business  in  peace.  There  will  be  no  war  or 
rumors  of  war  to  disturb  and  to  distra«~.  We  can  build  up, 
we  can  reconstruct,  we  can  till,  we  can  cultivate  and  enrich, 
and  the  burden  and  terror  and  waste  of  war  will  have  gone. 
The  best  security  for  peace  will  be  that  nations  band  them- 
selves together  to  punish  the  peace-breaker.  In  the  armories 
of  Europe,  every  weapon  will  be  a  sword  of  justice.  In  the 
government  of  men,  every  army  will  be  the  constabulary  of 
peace. 

(Guildhall  address:  January)  11,  1917) 


A  large  number  of  small  nations  have  been  reborn  in 
Europe  and  these  will  require  a  League  of  Nations  to  pro- 
tect them  against  the  covetousness  of  ambitious  and  grasping 
neighbors.  In  my  judgment  a  League  of  Nations  is  abso- 
lutely essential  to  permanent  peace.  Are  we  to  lapse  back 
into  the  old  national  rivalries,  animosities  and  competitive 
armaments,  or  are  we  to  initiate  the  reign  on  earth  of  the 
Prince  of  Peace.  What  are  conditions  of  peace?  They 
46 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  SPEAKERS  47 

must  lead  to  a  settlement  which  will  be  fundamentally  just. 
No  settlement  that  contravenes  the  principles  of  eternal  jus- 
tice will  be  a  permanent  one.  The  peace  of  1871  imposed 
on  France  by  Germany  outraged  all  the  principles  of  justice 
and  fair  play.  Let  us  be  warned  by  that  example.  We 
must  not  allow  any  sense  of  revenge,  any  spirit  of  greed, 
grasping  desire  to  override  the  fundamental  principles  of 
righteousness.  We  shall  go  to  the  peace  conference  to  guar- 
antee that  a  League  of  Nations  is  a  reality.  I  am  one  of 
those  who  believe  that  without  peace  we  cannot  have  progress. 

(Speech,  November  12t  1918) 


HERBERT  ASQUITH 

Former  Prime  Minister  of  Great  Britain 

We  are  bound,  and  not  only  bound,  but  glad,  to  give 
respectful  attention  to  such  pronouncements  as  the  recent 
speech  of  *  *  *  *  President  Wilson.  That  speech  was 
addressed  *  *  *  *  to  the  American  Senate,  and  through 
them  to  the  people  of  the  United  States.  It  was,  therefore, 
a  declaration  of  American  policy,  or,  to  speak  more  precisely, 
of  American  ideals.  The  President  held  out  to  his  hearers 
the  prospect  of  an  era  when  the  civilization  of  mankind, 
banded  together  for  the  purpose,  will  make  it  their  joint  and 
several  duty  to  repress  by  their  united  authority,  and  if  need 
be  by  their  combined  naval  and  military  forces,  any  wanton 
or  aggressive  invasion  of  the  peace  of  the  world.  It  is  a 
fine  ideal,  which  must  arouse  all  our  sympathies. 

(Speech  in  the  House  of  Commons:  February  /,  1917) 


But  what  seems  to  me  all-important  is,  that  both  here  and 
in  America  we  should  realize,  and  act  as  though  we  realized, 


48    LEAGUE  TO  ENFORCE  PEACE 

that  the  League  of  Nations  is  neither  a  vague  political 
abstraction,  or  an  empty  rhetorical  formula;  that  it  is  a  con- 
crete and  definite  ideal ;  and  that  its  embodiment  in  practical 
shape  is  by  far  the  most  urgent  constructive  problem  of  inter- 
national statesmanship. 

(Speech  at  London,  July  10,  1918) 


ARTHUR  JAMES  BALFOUR 

British  Secretary  for  Foreign  Affairs 

We  are  forced  to  the  sorrowful  recognition  of  the  weak- 
ness of  international  law  so  long  as  it  is  unsupported  by 
international  authority.  *  *  *  *  Here  we  come  face  to  face 
with  the  great  problem  which  lies  behind  all  the  changing 
aspects  of  this  tremendous  war.  When  it  is  brought  to  an 
end,  how  is  civilized  mankind  so  to  reorganize  itself  that 
similar  catastrophes  shall  not  be  permitted  to  recur?  *  *  *  * 
The  problem  is  insistent.  *  *  *  *  Surely,  even  now,  it  is 
fairly  clear  that  if  substantial  progress  is  to  be  made  towards 
securing  the  peace  of  the  world  and  a  free  development  of  its 
constituent  nations,  the  United  States  of  America  and  the 
British  Empire  should  explicitly  recognize,  what  all  instinc- 
tively know,  that  on  these  great  subjects  they  share  a  common 
ideal.  *  *  *  *  If,  in  our  time,  any  substantial  effort  is  to  be 
made  toward  securing  the  permanent  triumph  of  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  ideal,  the  great  communities  which  accept  it  must  work 
together.  And  in  working  together  they  must  remember  that 
law  is  not  enough.  Behind  law  there  must  be  power.  It  is 
good  that  arbitration  should  be  encouraged.  It  is  good  that 
the  accepted  practices  of  warfare  should  become  ever  more 
humane.  It  is  good  that  before  peace  is  broken  the  would- 
be  belligerents  should  be  compelled  to  discuss  their  differ- 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  SPEAKERS  49 

ences  in  some  congress  of  the  nations.  It  is  good  that  the 
security  of  the  smaller  States  should  be  fenced  round  with 
peculiar  care.  But  all  the  precautions  are  mere  scraps  of 
paper  unless  tney  can  be  enforced. 

(Interview,  London  Times,  May  18,  1916) 


His  Majesty's  Government  *  *  *  *  feels  strongly  that  the 
durability  of  peace  must  largely  depend  on  its  character  and 
that  no  stable  system  of  international  relations  can  be  built 
on  foundations  which  are  essentially  and  hopelessly  defective. 
*  *  *  *  There  are  those  who  think  that  for  this  disease  inter- 
national treaties  and  international  laws  may  provide  a  suffi- 
cient cure.  *  *  *  *  The  people  of  this  country  *  *  *  *  do  not 
believe  peace  can  be  durable  if  it  be  not  based  on  the  success 
of  the  allied  cause.  For  a  durable  peace  can  hardly  be 
expected  unless  three  conditions  are  fulfilled:  the  first  is  that 
the  existing  causes  of  international  unrest  should  be  as  far  as 
possible  removed  or  weakened ;  the  second  is  that  the  aggress- 
ive aims  and  the  unscrupulous  methods  of  the  Central  Powers 
should  fall  into  disrepute  among  their  own  peoples;  the  third 
is  that  behind  international  law  and  behind  all  treaty  arrange- 
ments for  preventing  or  limiting  hostilities  some  form  of 
international  sanction  should  be  devised  which  would  give 
pause  to  the  hardiest  aggressor. 

(From  a  letter  to  Sir  Cecil  Spring-Rice:  dated  London, 
January  13,  1917) 


I  believe  a  League  of  Nations  is  needed,  not  only  to  con- 
trol the  criminal  instincts  of  great  autocracies,  but  to  see  that 
war  should  not  again  be  permitted  to  devastate  the  world. 
I  think  that  the  league  ought  to  act  as  trustees  of  these  coun- 


50    LEAGUE  TO  ENFORCE  PEACE 

tries  that  have  not  yet  reached  the  state  at  which  true  democ- 
racy can  be  applied.  Democracy  is  not  a  suit  of  clothes  that 
can  be  put  on  at  any  stage  of  development 

(Interview,  American  Press  Representatives: 
December  6,  1918) 


VISCOUNT  GREY  OF  FALLODON 

Former  British  Secretary  for  Foreign  Affairs 

If  the  nations  of  the  world  after  this  war  are  to  do  some- 
thing more  effective  than  they  were  ever  able  to  do  before 
this  war,  to  combine  themselves  for  the  common  object  of 
preserving  peace,  they  must  be  prepared  not  to  undertake 
more  than  they  are  able  to  uphold  by  force,  and  to  see  when 
the  time  of  crisis  comes  that  it  is  upheld  by  force. 

(Address  before  the  Foreign  Press  Association 
of  London:  October  23,  1916) 


I  sincerely  desire  to  see  a  League  of  Nations  formed  and 
made  effective  to  secure  peace  of  the  world  after  this  war  is 
over.  I  regard  this  as  the  best  if  not  the  only  prospect  of 
preserving  treaties  and  of  saving  the  world  from  aggressive 
wars  in  years  to  come. 

(Cablegram  to  League  to  Enforce  Peace, 
November  24,  1916) 


The  establishment  and  maintenance  of  a  League  of 
Nations  such  as  President  Wilson  has  advocated  is  more 
important  and  essential  to  secure  peace  than  any  of  the 
actual  terms  of  peace  that  may  conclude  the  war.     It  will 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  SPEAKERS  51 

transcend  them  all.  The  best  of  them  will  be  worth  little 
unless  the  future  relations  of  states  are  to  be  on  a  basis  that 
will  prevent  a  recurrence  of  militarism  in  any  state. 

("A  League  of  Nations"  Oxford  University  Press, 
June,  1918) 


ARTHUR  HENDERSON 

Former  Member  of  the  British  War  Council 
Former  Secretary)  of  the  British  Labor  Party 
Such  a  peace  can  only  be  satisfactory  if  founded  upon  the 
defeat  of  unrestrained  militarism,  and  accompanied  by  a 
League  of  Nations  sufficiently  strong  to  keep  the  existing 
armies  in  their  proper  places,  prevent  the  inflation  of  arma- 
ments, and  secure  the  enforcement  of  international  law.  It 
must  be  a  peace  which  will  serve  to  remove,  or  at  least 
weaken,  the  causes  of  unrest  between  nations,  and  bring  into 
universal  disfavor  acts  of  aggression. 

(Speech  to  Croydon  North  End  Brotherhood: 
January  18,  1917) 


LORD   SHAW 

There  are  those  who  think  only  of  immediate  war,  and 
there  are  those  who  think  only  of  immediate  peace.  The 
project  of  a  League  of  Nations  stands  for  something  much 
greater  than  either  the  one  or  the  other,  and  this  is  why  it  is 
so  disconcerting  to  alarmists  and  pacifists  alike. 

(Debate,  House  of  Lords,  June  26,  1918) 


GENERAL  JAN   CHRISTIAN   SMUTS 

We  must  feel  that  in  the  call  to  common  humanity  there 
are  other  purposes  besides  the  prevention  of  war,  for  which  a 


5«     LEAGUE  TO  ENFORCE  PEACE 

League  of  Nations  is  a  sheer,  practical  necessity.    One  of 

the  first  steps  must  be  to  create  an  organization  against  hunger 

and  ration  all  the  countries  where  disaster  threatens. 

(Address  to  American  Editors,  London, 

November  14,  1918) 


RT.  REV.  CHARLES  GORE 
Lord  Bishop  of  Oxford 
We  must  have  the  international  league  and  supernational 
authority.  In  particular,  we  from  our  heart  desire  that  the 
destiny  of  the  German  colonies,  of  Palestine,  of  Mesopo- 
tamia, should  not  go  to  England  by  right  of  conquest,  but 
should  have  their  destiny  determined  by  the  common  mind 
of  all  the  nations  now  associated  in  the  war — if  it  may  be, 
the  neutral  nations — so  that  they  may  be  administered  in 
the  interests  of  their  own  people  in  whatever  manner  com- 
mon judgment  of  the  nations  shall  determine.  England  has 
said  that  it  desired  no  acquisitions  of  territory,  and  it  must 
not  be  forced  to  incur  the  obloquy  of  appearing  to  be  false 
to  its  decisions. 


LORD  NORTHCLIFFE 

Head  of  the  American  Mission 
A  close  federation  of  the  nations  now  fighting  the  good 
fight  will  be  the  only  insurance  against  the  autocracy  that 
made  this  war  possible  and  the  horrors  that  the  armies  of 
the  autocrat  perpetrated  on  innocent  non-combatants.  The 
world  must  be  made  free  for  democracy. 

(Address    before    the   Players    Club,    New    York    CUp: 
June  28,  1917) 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  SPEAKERS  33 

Nothing  I  have  said  should  be  taken  to  imply  any  luke- 
warmness  with  regard  to  the  great  ideal  of  a  League  of 
Free  Nations,  which,  as  President  Wilson  has  truly  said, 
will  be  needed  to  guarantee  the  peace.  I  firmly  believe 
that  it  is  in  marching  progressively,  slowly,  it  may  be,  but 
steadily,  towards  the  practical  realization  of  that  ideal  that 
the  salvation  of  mankind  will  be  found. 

(Address  to  American  Officers:  London,  Oct.  22 ,  1918) 


H.  G.  WELLS 

British  Publicist 

No  doubt  the  constitutional  and  sentimental  difficulties 

in  the  way  of  establishing  a  federal  league  of  nations  are 

colossal  and  intricate,  but  they  must  be  overcome,  because 

there  is  no  way  out  for  humanity  except  to  overcome  them. 


JAMES  BRYCE 

There  is  need  to-day  for  a  League  of  Nations  which 
will  endeavor  to  extend  its  protection  to  all  the  world  and 
not  to  one  continent  only.  In  any  such  combination  to 
secure  justice  and  transquillity  based  upon  right,  the  pres- 
ence of  the  United  States  would  be  invaluable  and  would 
indeed  be  necessary  if  the  combination  were  to  secure 
those  blessings  for  the  world. 

(The  Nation,  December  13,  1917) 


PREMIER  BORDEN 
of  Canada 
Let  us  have  a  League  of  Nations,  if  it  can  be  realized 
but  at  least  let  us  have  that  understanding  and  unity  of 
purpose  and  action  between  the  two  world-wide  English- 
speaking  commonwealths  which  will  save  humanity  in  years 


54    LEAGUE  TO  ENFORCE  PEACE 

to  come  from  the  unbearable  horror,  suffering  and  sacrifice 
of  a  war  such  as  this. 

(Thanksgiving  Dap  Banquet  of  American  Society 
in  London,  November  29 ',  19 18) 


PREMIER  HUGHES 
of  Australia 
President  Wilson's  thought  of  a  league  to  enforce  peace 
after  the  war  is  a  noble  aspiration.  All  our  parties  in 
Australia  will  be  for  it.  When  all  the  nations  wish  to 
live  freely  and  in  harmony  and  one  nation  stands  out  and 
says  it  won't  do  it,  all  the  others  must  get  out  their  grind- 
stones, sharpen  their  swords  and  sleep  with  one  eye  open. 


M.  ALEXANDRE  RIBOT 

Former  Premier  of  France 
It  is  necessary  that  a  League  of  Peace  be  founded  in 
the  same  spirit  of  democracy  that  France  has  had  the  honor 
of  introducing  into  the  world.  The  nations  now  in  arms 
will  constitute  the  Society  of  Nations.  This  is  the  future  of 
humanity,  or  one  might  well  despair  of  the  future.  Presi- 
dent Wilson  upon  this  point  is  with  us.  All  nations  not 
predatory  must  unite  to  prevent  others  from  disturbing  the 
peace.  They  must  unite  in  an  armed  league  to  make 
respected  throughout  the  world,  peace,  justice  and  liberty. 

(Address  to  the  French  Senate:  June  6t  1917) 


M.  REN£  VIVIANI 

Former  Premier  of  France,  Head  of  the  French  Mis- 
sion to  the  United  States 
Your  flag  bears  forty-eight  stars  representing  forty-eight 

states.     Each  state  has  its  own  legislature,  but  all  are  sub- 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  SPEAKERS  51 

ject  to  Federal  laws  that  were  made  for  all.  May  we  not 
hope  for  the  day  when  all  the  nations  of  the  earth  will  be 
united  as  are  your  states,  under  certain  broad  and  general 
restrictions  that  will  make  it  forever  impossible  for  some 
mad  autocrat  to  play  havoc  with  the  universe? 
(Speech  at  the  Boston  Public  Library:  May  13,  1917) 


And  row  we  see  all  America  rise  and  sharpen  her 
weapons  in  the  midst  of  peace  for  the  common  struggle. 
Together  we  will  carry  on  that  struggle;  and  when  by 
force  we  have  at  last  imposed  military  victory,  our  labors 
will  not  be  concluded.  Our  task  will  be — I  quote  the 
noble  words  of  President  Wilson — to  organize  the  society 
of  nations.  After  material  victory  we  will  win  this  moral 
victory.  We  will  shatter  the  ponderous  sword  of  mili- 
tarism, we  will  establish  guarantees  for  peace. 
(Address  before  the  United  States  Senate,  May  /,  1917) 


POPE  BENEDICTUS  XV 

First,  the  fundamental  point  must  be  that  the  material 
force  of  arms  give  way  to  the  moral  force  of  right,  whence 
a  just  agreement  of  all  upon  the  simultaneous  and  reciprocal 
decrease  of  armaments,  according  to  rules  and  guarantees 
to  be  established,  in  the  necessary  and  sufficient  measure 
for  the  maintenance  of  public  order  in  every  State;  then, 
taking  the  place  of  arms,  the  institution  of  arbitration,  with 
its  high  pacifying  function,  according  to  rules  to  be  drawn 
in  concert  and  under  sanctions  to  be  determined  against 
any  State  which  would  decline  either  to  refer  international 
questions  to  arbitration  or  to  accept  its  awards. 
(Nev>  Year*s  Message  to  America:  December  31,  1918) 


5*    LEAGUE  TO  ENFORCE  PEACE 

May  the  conference  be  of  such  a  nature  as  to  remove 
any  resentment,  abolish  forever  wars  among  brothers, 
establish  harmony  and  concord  and  promote  useful  labor. 
Out  of  the  peace  conference  may  there  be  born  that  League 
of  Nations  which,  by  abolishing  conscription,  will  reduce 
armaments;  which,  by  establishing  international  tribunals, 
will  eliminate  or  settle  disputes,  which,  placing  peace  upon 
a  foundation  of  solid  rock,  will  guarantee  to  everyone  inde- 
pendence and  equality  of  rights. 

(Nex»  Years  Message  to  America:  December  31 't  1918) 


VITTORIO  ORLANDO 
Premier  of  Italy 
Three  years  of  war  have  shown  Italy  that  her  special 
aspirations,  however  just  and  sacred,  are  only  episodes  in 
this  gigantic  conflict  in  which  we  seem  to  be  fighting  for 
the  whole  of  humanity  and  for  the  fate  of  the  world  instead 
of  for  a  single  nation.  President  Wilson's  messages  have 
illuminated  the  universal  nobility  of  the  aims  of  our  war 
*  *  *  *  There  must  be  only  one  empire  ruling  over  all 
peoples,  that  of  Justice. 


AUGUSTO  CIUFELLI 

Member  of  Italian  War  Mission 
Italy  is  eager  to  take  her  place  in  a  new  world  organ* 
ized  for  peace. 


PRESIDENT  HSU  SHIH-CHANG 
of  China 
The  policy  which  you  have  espoused  to  form  a  League 
of  Nations  in  order  to  maintain  the  cause  of  justice  for 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  SPEAKERS  57 

all  countries,  whether  big  or  small,  as  well  as  to  maintain 
the  permanent  peace  of  the  world,  is  one  of  the  greatest 
importance.  I,  President  of  the  Republic  of  China,  to- 
gether with  her  people,  fully  indorse  and  support  this 
policy  and  express  the  sincere  hope  that  every  effort  will 
be  spent  to  make  it  succeed,  in  order  that  the  world  may 
enjoy  peace  and  happiness. 

(Telegram  to  President  Wilson,   1919) 


EX-PRESIDENT  CALLONDER 
of  Switzerland 

Thus  from  the  distress  of  the  present  times  there  rose 
the  call  for  a  League  of  Nations.  *  *  *  *  With  extraor- 
dinary vigor  the  President  of  the  United  States  of  America 
and  the  Pope  advocated  this  proposal.  An  idea,  formerly 
abandoned  to  the  despised  crowd  of  pacifists  and  theorists, 
is  now  at  home  in  the  circle  of  diplomats  and  politicians 
where  it  will  stay,  never  to  give  them  a  rest  until  its  goal 
is  reached.  There  isn't  a  State  more  interested  in  the 
novel  construction  of  a  community  of  States  than  our  little 
Switzerland. 

(From  Address  to  Swiss  National  Council) 


SPAIN   FOR  LEAGUE 

Both  chambers  of  the  Spanish  Parliament  have  approved 
in  principle  the  proposition  for  the  formation  of  a  League 
of  Nations  and  will  name  a  Spanish  representative  in  that 
organization. 

(Associated  Press,  Madrid,  November  22,  1918) 


58    LEAGUE  TO  ENFORCE  PEACE 

THE  GOVERNMENTS  OF 
THE  ENTENTE  ALLIES 

In  a  general  way  they  (the  Allied  Governments)  desire 
to  declare  their  respect  for  the  lofty  sentiments  inspiring  the 
American  Note  (of  December  18th)  and  their  whole- 
hearted agreement  with  the  proposal  to  create  a  League  of 
Nations  which  shall  assure  peace  and  justice  throughout 
the  world.  They  recognize  all  the  benefits  that  would 
accrue  to  the  cause  of  humanity  and  civilization  from  the 
institution  of  international  arrangements  designed  to  prevent 
violent  conflicts  between  nations,  and  so  framed  as  to  pro- 
vide the  sanctions  necessary  to  their  enforcement,  lest  an 
illusory  security  should  serve  merely  to  facilitate  fresh  acts 
of  aggression. 

(From  the  joint  reply  to  the  American  Note:  dated  PartSt, 
January  10.  1917) 


American  Opinion 

Selections  from  Addresses  and  Resolutions 
of  National  Leaders  and  Organizations 


WORLD  NEEDS  MORAL  VICTORY 

It  is  a  moral  victory  the  world  should  win.  I  think  I 
do  not  mistake  the  current  of  public  sentiment  throughout 
our  entire  country,  in  saying  that  our  people  will  favor  an 
international  agreement  by  which  the  peace  brought  about 
through  such  blood  and  suffering  and  destruction  and  enor- 
mous sacrifices  shall  be  preserved  by  the  joint  power  of 
the  world.  Whether  the  terms  of  the  League  to  Enforce 
Peace  as  they  are  will  be  taken  as  a  basis  for  agreement, 
or  a  modified  form,  something  of  the  kind  must  be  attempted. 
(Wm.  Howard  Taft,  September  26,  1917) 


THE  PURPOSE  OF  THE  WAR 

Men  who  see  clearly  the  kind  of  peace  which  we  must 
have,  in  order  to  be  a  real  and  lasting  peace,  can  have  no 
sympathy  therefore  with  a  patched-up  peace,  one  made  at  a 
council  table,  the  result  of  diplomatic  chaffering  and  bar- 
gaining. Men  who  look  forward  to  a  League  of  the  World 
to  Enforce  Peace  in  the  future  can  have  no  patience  with 
a  compromise  that  leaves  the  promoting  cause  of  the  present 
awful  war  unaffected  and  unremoved.  This  war  is  now 
being  fought  by  the  Allies  as  a  League  to  Enforce  Peace. 

59 


oO    LEAGUE  TO  ENFORCE  PEACE 

Unless  they  compel  it  by  victory,  they  do  not  enforce  it 
They  do  not  make  the  military  autocracies  of  the  world 
into  nations  fit  for  a  World  League,  unless  they  convince 
them  by  a  lesson  of  defeat. 

(Wm.  Howard  Taft,  September  26.  19/7) 


A  LEAGUE  INEVITABLE 

It  has  been  suggested  that  we  should  be  absolutely  free 
from  war.  That  is  whnt  I  refuse  to  agree  to.  We  are 
not  offering  to  make  war  impossible;  we  are  offering  a 
means  by  which  we  think  most  wars  can  be  avoided.  There 
may  be  such  a  disturbance  as  can't  now  be  anticipated. 

We  are  not  idealists.  I  am  trying  to  make  it  appear  that 
we  are  just  as  practical  as  possible,  and  everybody  else 
who  wants  to  make  a  treaty  such  as  is  now  contemplated 
will  have  come  to  our  view  of  it  I  don't  care  what  you 
call  it,  you  have  got  to  have  a  court,  you  have  got  to  have 
a  committee  of  conciliation,  you  have  got  to  have  force, 
you  have  got  to  fix  rules  for  decision  of  international  law. 
You  can't  get  away  from  it. 

(Wm.   Howard   Taft,   December  6J9I8) 


FOLLOWS  ESTABLISHED  AMERICAN 
PRECEDENT 

Has  the  nation  the  power  to  agree  to  make  war  in 
advance  of  the  events  upon  which  war  is  to  be  declared? 
It  has  never  been  questioned.  The  United  States  is  a 
nation  with  all  the  sovereign  rights  of  a  nation.  The  fram- 
ers  of  the  constitution  never  intended  to  derogate  from  that 
sovereignty  by  depriving  it  of  the  ordinary  powers  enjoyed 
by  other  nations.  A  common  exercise  of  national  power 
has  been  in  making  offensive  and  defensive  alliances.     In 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  SPEAKERS  61 

them  each  nation  agrees  to  make  war  when  the  other  is 
engaged.  We  made  a  treaty  with  France  much  resembling 
this  during  our  Revolution.  By  a  merely  defensive  alli- 
ance each  party  agrees  to  join  the  other  in  war  when  the 
latter  is  attacked.  We  have  made  such  a  treaty  in  effect 
with  Panama.  We  have  guaranteed  her  political  and  ter- 
ritorial integrity.  That  means  that  if  any  nation  attacks 
her  and  attempts  to  take  her  independence  or  her  territory, 
or  any  part  of  it,  we  agree  to  make  war  to  prevent  it.  Wte 
have  a  similar  obligation  to  Cuba.  Are  these  treaties 
unconstitutional  because  they  bind  Congress  to  declare  and 
make  war  in  a  certain  event? 

(Wm.  Howard  TafU  special  despatch  to  the  Ner»  York 
Herald,  January  J8t  1919) 


POINTED  PARAGRAPHS 

We  are  in  a  league  of  nations  to  enforce  peace,  and  w< 
have  been  enforcing  peace,  and  we  are  in  a  place  where 
we  can't  escape  it.  *  *  *  * 

Our  theory  is  that  nationalism  is  just  as  consistent  with 
an  effort  to  organize  the  world  internationally  to  maintain 
peace  as  love  of  family  is  consistent  with  love  of  country. 
We  think  the  one  stimulates  the  other.  *  *  *  * 

The  Lord  has  delivered  the  opponents  of  the  League 
into  our  hands.  The  war  is  a  failure  if  we  don't  have  it. 
We  have  created  a  lot  of  warring  nations.  These  patriotic 
sons  of  Poland  are  going  to  be  ambitious.  They  haven\ 
lost  the  Polish  desire  for  the  maintenance  of  their  views. 
They  are  going  to  have  the  frailties  and  ambitions  of  other 
people.  They  are  not  going  to  be  perfect,  and  neither  are 
the  other  people  of  whom  I  have  spoken.  We  have  said 
we  are  going  to  make  the  world  safe  for  democracy.     It 


62    LEAGUE  TO  ENFORCE  PEACE 

won't  be  safe  if  we  create  fourteen  republics  like  this  and 
leave  them  alone.  *  *  *  * 

The  great  difficulty  with  international  decisions  hereto- 
fore has  been  that  they  are  not  on  the  basis  of  law ;  they  are 
on  the  basis  of  compromise.  The  members  of  the  court  are 
parties  to  the  suit ;  and  after  formal  argument  is  heard  by  the 
tribunal  the  arguments  go  on  by  the  members  of  the  tribunal 
itself.  That  is  not  a  court;  that  is  a  mere  conciliating  body, 
which  eventually  reaches  a  decision  without  regard  to  the 
principles  involved. 

The  way  that  is  covered  in  the  revised  program  of  the 
League  to  Enforce  Peace  is — "The  representation  of  the 
different  nations  in  the  organs  of  the  League  should  be  in 
proportion  to  the  responsibilities  and  obligations  they 
assume."  *  *  *  * 

So  far  as  the  Monroe  doctrine  is  concerned,  this  League 
of  Nations,  instead  of  interfering  with  it,  would  furnish 
additional  force  to  maintain  it,  because  a  violation  of  the 
Monroe  doctrine  is,  of  necessity,  a  violation  of  the  rules 
that  ought  to  obtain  in  the  League  of  Nations.  *  *  *  * 

(Wm.  Howard  Taft,  Informal  Address  at  Editors  and  Pub- 
lishers  Dinner,  New  York*  December  6,  1918) 


LEAGUE  NECESSARY  TO  WORLD  ORDER 

So  dependent  are  nations  upon  one  another  in  these  days 
of  instantaneous  communication,  rapid  transportation,  and 
international  commerce,  that  it  seems  to  me  any  nation 
would  be  very  slow  to  go  to  war  contrary  to  recommen- 
dations which  had  been  made  upon  its  case,  with  the  cer- 
tainty that  the  war  would  have  to  be  prosecuted  entirely 
upon  its  own  resources,  that  no  help  could  be  in  any  way 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  SPEAKERS  63 

derived  from  any  other  nation:  not  only  so,  but  that  in 
relations  other  than  war  it  will  be  treated  as  a  leper.  *  *  *  * 
New  states  have  been  created  through  the  distintegration 
of  Russia  and  will  be  created  by  the  disintegration  of 
Austria.  It  will  be  necessary  that  these  states  have  a  big 
brother  to  assist  them  when  necessary  until  they  get  on 
their  feet,  precisely  as  the  United  States  served  as  a  big 
brother  for  Cuba  until  she  was  able  to  act  independently. 
This  is  international  work.  It  seems  to  me  that  this  func- 
tion should  be  exercised  directly  through  the  League  of 
Free  Nations.  An  organization  shall  be  created  by  it  to 
handle  international  responsibility  in  the  interests  of  the 
world.  This  will  involve  the  setting  up  of  an  appropriate 
government  in  each  case,  the  apportioning  of  the  necessary 
protection  and  the  allocation  of  the  required  funds  among 
the  members  of  the  League.  From  time  to  time,  as  need 
arises,  a  helping  hand  should  be  given,  but  always  with 
the  purpose  of  developing  a  province  exclusively  in  the 
interests  of  its  inhabitants,  and  finally,  when  the  time  comes, 
of  establishing  self-government.  This  passage  from  gov- 
ernment by  an  instrument  of  the  League  of  Nations  to. 
self-government  in  each  case  should  be  the  ultimate  goa), 
*  *  *  *  It  seems  clear  that  if  the  United  States  now  shirks 
the  responsibility  of  entering  the  League  of  Free  Nations 
it  is  inevitable  that  some  time  in  the  future  she  will  again 
be  obliged  to  intervene  in  a  war  for  which  she  is  in  no 
way  responsible  and  the  initiation  of  which  she  had  no 
means  to  control.  Because  of  the  intimate  international 
relations,  if  a  world  conflagration  again  starts,  it  is  almost 
inevitable  that  we  shall  be  drawn  into  it  precisely  as  we 
were  into  this.  *  *  *  *  It  should  be  pointed  out  that  the 
proposal  to  join  a  League  of  Free  Nations  is  fundamentally 
different  from  joining  an  alliance  of  the  kind  which  was 


64    LEAGUE  TO  ENFORCE  PEACE 

meant  when  the  doctrine  of  avoiding  entangling  alliance* 
was  developed.  The  danger  of  joining  an  alliance  is  that 
this  alliance  will  get  into  armed  conflict  with  another 
alliance.  The  plan  of  balance  of  powers  betweem  alliances 
in  Europe,  we  know,  has  led  to  disastrous  wars  from  time 
to  time.  If  it  were  proposed  that  the  United  States  should 
enter  into  an  alliance  with  one  or  two  powers  of  Europe 
the  objection  would  hold  that  it  would  be  entering  into 
an  entangling  alliance;  but  the  proposal  is  that  the  United 
States  shall  enter  a  League  of  Free  Nations*  which  shall 
at  the  outset  include  the  great  dominant  free  nations  and 
which  shall  finally  include  practically  all  nations.  This 
is  not  an  alliance,  but  a  step  toward  co-operative  world 
organization  and  therefore  world  peace.  Not  only  should 
the  United  States  enter  the  League  of  Free  Nations,  but 
she  should  take  the  position  of  leadership  in  its  formation 
to  which  she  is  entitled  from  the  commanding  influence 
which  she  is  exercising  at  the  present  time  in  the  councils 
of  the  world. 

(Chas.  R.   Van  Hisc,  Late  President  of  the  University  of 
Wisconsin,  November  8,    1918) 


WE  CANNOT  ISOLATE  OURSELVES 

The  United  States  cannot  again  completely  withdraw 
into  its  shell.  We  need  not  mix  in  all  European  quarrels 
nor  assume  all  spheres  of  interest  everywhere  to  be  ours, 
{but  we  ought  to  join  with  the  other  civilized  nations  of 
the  world  in  some  scheme  that  in  a  time  of  great  stress 
would  offer  a  likelihood  of  obtaining  just  settlements  that 
will  avert  war. 

(Theodore  Roosevelt — Editorial,  Kansas  City  Star) 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  SPEAKERS  « 

AGREE  IN  PRINCIPLE 

*  *  *  *  Mr.  Taft  has  recently  denned  the  purposes 
of  the  League  and  the  limitations  under  which  it  would 
act  in  a  way  that  enables  most  of  us  to  say  we  very  heartily 
agree  in  principle  with  his  theory,  and  can,  without  doubt, 
come  to  an  agreement  on  specific  details.  *  *  *  * 

(Col.  Roosevelt's  last  editorial  prepared  for  Kansas  City 
Star,  January  3,  1919.     Published  posthumously) 


COMMON  PEOPLE  DEMAND  LEAGUE 

This  league  of  civilized  peoples  is  not  proposed  out  of 
the  Cabinets  of  absolute  Ministers,  but  is  rather  the  pas- 
sionate demand  of  the  man  in  the  street,  the  simple  and 
the  unsophisticated  who  know  very  little  of  the  intrigues 
and  wiles  of  statecraft,  but  know  a  very  great  deal  about 
the  suffering  and  sacrifice  which  war  entails.  For  my  own 
part,  I  refuse  to  be  timid  about  America's  capacity  to  do 
the  new  things  which  are  needed  in  a  new  world.  I  decline 
to  distrust  our  purposes  or  to  shrink  from  moving  forward 
because  the  road  seems  wider  and  higher  than  roads  we 
have  traveled  hitherto. 

(Secretary    Baker — Address   Buffalo    Chamber   of   Com- 
merce, January  4,  1919) 


PLAN  NOW  FOR  FUTURE  PEACE 

It  is  inconceivable  that  the  peoples  of  the  world  willed 
such  a  war.  It  is  equally  inconceivable  that  the  peoples 
of  the  world  would  be  willing  now  to  face  the  possibility 
of  another  such  trial  without  perfecting  in  advance  modes 
of  concerted  action  which  will  restrain  the  madness  of  the 


66    LEAGUE  TO  ENFORCE  PEACE 

moment  and  be  assurances  of  just  consideration  dispelling 
forever  the  illusion  that  either  national  greatness  or  national 
safety  essentially  depend  upon  the  ability  of  a  people  to 
destroy  life,  wealth  and  property,  without  stopping  first 
to  test  out  the  possibilities  of  accommodation  and  concord. 
We  have  had  centuries  of  leagues  among  nations  for 
the  purpose  of  making  war  offensive  or  defensive.  Is  it 
too  much  to  believe  that  in  this  enlightened  age  a  league 
to  prevent  war  has  become  possible? 

(Secretary  Ba^er — Address  Buffalo  Chamber  Commerce, 
January  4,  1919) 


THE  PAN-AMERICAN  UNION 

The  feeling  is  growing  that  Pan-America  will  play  a 
powerful  part  in  the  league  of  nations  expected  to  be 
formed  after  the  war  to  make  another  like  struggle  impos- 
sible in  the  future.  It  may  well  do  so,  for  it  now  provides 
an  example  that  can  be  copied  and  developed  by  other 
nations  of  the  earth.  It  is  not  far-fetched  to  state  that 
the  Pan-American  Union,  with  which  I  have  the  honor  to 
be  associated,  can  now  supply  something  of  a  working 
model  for  the  formation  of  a  world  league  of  free  nations. 
It  is  gratifying  to  note  that  since  the  Union  was  reorgan- 
ized at  the  Pan-American  Conference  held  at  Rio  de 
Janeiro,  twelve  years  ago,  no  war  has  occurred  between 
any  of  the  nations  included  in  it.  Furthermore  the  moral 
influence  of  that  organization  undoubtedly  has  prevented 
several  threatened  conflicts. 

(Director-General  John  Barrett,  November  1 ,  1918) 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  SPEAKERS  67 

AGRICULTURALISTS  FAVOR  LEAGUE 

The  Grange  has  long  contended  for  a  League  of  Nations 
to  enforce  world  peace,  and  its  declarations  on  this  sub- 
ject one  year  ago  were  especially  emphatic.  By  the  un- 
foreseen shaping  of  events  we  are  rapidly  approaching  the 
very  realization  of  such  an  actual  league,  as  nation  after 
nation  is  arraying  itself  with  the  cause  of  humanity,  in  a 
common  defense  against  German  aggression  and  destruc- 
tion. 

(Address  of  Oliver  Wilson,  President  National  Grange. 

Approved  by  resolution  at  St.  Louis 

Convention,   19/7) 


AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 

The  Buffalo  (1917)  Convention  declared  that  the  fol- 
lowing essentially  fundamental  principles  must  underlie  any 
peace  treaty  acceptable  to  them: 

( 1 )  A  league  of  the  free  peoples  of  the  world  in  a 
common  covenant  for  genuine  and  practical  co-operation 
to  secure  justice  and  therefore  peace  in  relations  between 
nations. 

(2)  No  political  or  economic  restrictions  meant  to 
benefit   some  nations   and  to   cripple  or   embarrass  others. 

(3)  No  indemnities  or  reprisals  based  upon  vindictive 
purposes  or  deliberate  desire  to  injure,  but  to  right  mani- 
fest wrongs. 

(4)  Recognition  of  the  rights  of  small  nations  and  of 
the  principle  "No  people  must  be  forced  under  sovereignty 
under  which  it  does  not  wish  to  live." 

(5)  No  territorial  changes  or  adjustment  of  power  ex- 
cept in  furtherance  of  the  welfare  of  the  peoples  affected 
and  in  furtherance  of  world  peace. 


65  LEAGUE  TO  ENFORCE  PEACE 

CHAMBER  OF  COMMERCE  OF  THE 
UNITED  STATES 

Just  as,  within  the  state,  there  are  many  things  we  use, 
besides  the  militia  and  before  we  use  the  state  militia  or 
call  upon  Federal  troops  for  the  enforcement  of  a  law  or 
the  execution  of  a  court's  judgment,  so  there  are  forces 
we  can  use  internationally  before  we  employ  our  armies 
and  navies. 

These  forces  can  be  summarized  in  the  term  economic 
pressure,  by  which  we  mean  the  commercial  and  financial 
boycott  of  any  nation  that  goes  to  war  without  submitting 
its  dispute  to  judgment  or  inquiry.  Our  plea  is  that  in  the 
first  instance  the  use  of  economic  force  is  clearly  indicated, 
and  that  military  force  should  be  resorted  to  only  if  eco- 
nomic pressure  prove  ineffective. 

In  considering  such  a  use  of  economic  pressure,  it  should 
be  borne  in  mind  that  it  already  comes  to  pass  automatically 
within  a  more  limited  area  when  nations  go  to  war.  War- 
ring nations  promptly  boycott  each  other.  This  is  important 
to  keep  in  mind  because  confusion  on  this  point  sometimes 
prompts  the  argument  that  "non-intercourse  would  be  a 
more  expensive  weapon  than  war,"  as  though  the  fact  of 
going  to  war  in  some  way  avoided  non-intercourse.  What 
your  committee  really  means  by  its  recommendation  is  that, 
in  the  future,  arrangements  for  international  enforcement  of 
the  economic  boycott  should  be  organized  on  a  world-wide 
scale,  and  that  in  these  world-wide  arrangements  nations 
better  fitted  to  co-operate  with  economic  than  with  military 
power  could  also  have  a  part  in  the  application  of  the  pres' 
sure  needed  to  preserve  the  world's  prosperity  and  progress. 

The  boycott  could  be  of  progressive  severity.  In  the 
first,   and  what  would  probably  usually  be  the  effective, 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  SPEAKERS  69 

stage,  the  signatory  nations  would  refuse  to  buy  from  or 
sell  to  the  offending  nation.  If  the  offenses  however,  were 
aggravated  and  persistent,  all  intercourse  could  be  sus- 
pended, and  if  that  proved  insufficient,  then,  as  the  last 
step,  recourse  could  be  taken  to  military  force. 

It  is  the  deterrent  effect  of  organized  non-intercourse 
which  would  make  war  less  likely,  since  it  would  be  a  ter- 
rible penalty  to  incur  and  one  more  difficult  in  a  sense  to 
fight  against  than  military  measures.  Further,  its  systematic 
organization  would  tend  to  make  any  subsequent  military 
action  by  the  co-operating  nations  more  effective. 

Many  states  that,  for  various  reasons,  might  not  be  able 
to  co-operate  with  military  force  could  co-operate  by  their 
economic  force,  and  so  render  the  action  against  the  offend- 
ing state  more  effective,  and  that,  in  the  end,  would  be 
more  humane. 

(From  a  Report  of  the  Special  Committee  Ap- 
pointed frj  the  Chamber  of  Commerce  of  the 
United  States  to  consider  Economic  Results  of 
the  War  and  American  Business.  This  Recom- 
mendation was  Endorsed  by  a  Two-thirds  Vote 
of  the  282  Commercial  Organizations  Consti- 
tuting  the  Membership   of   the   Chamber) 


REPUBLICAN  PARTY  PLATFORM  PLANK 

We  believe  in  the  pacific  settlement  of  international  dis- 
putes and  favor  the  establishment  of  a  world  court  for 
that  purpose. 

(Chicago,  June  9,  1916) 


70  LEAGUE  TO  ENFORCE  PEACE 

DEMOCRATIC  PARTY  PLATFORM  PLANK 

We  hold  that  it  is  the  duty  of  the  United  States  to 
hold  its  power  not  alone  to  make  itself  safe  at  home,  but 
to  make  secure  just  interests  throughout  the  world  and, 
both  for  this  end  and  in  the  interest  of  humanity,  to  assist 
the  world  in  securing  settled  peace  and  justice. 

We  believe  that  every  people  has  the  right  to  choose 
the  sovereignty  under  which  it  shall  live;  that  the  small 
States  of  the  world  have  a  right  to  enjoy  from  other  nations 
the  same  respect  for  their  sovereignty  and  for  their  ter- 
ritorial integrity  that  great  and  powerful  nations  expect  and 
insist  upon;  that  the  world  has  a  right  to  be  free  from 
every  disturbance  of  its  peace  that  has  its  origin  in  aggres- 
sion or  disregard  of  the  rights  of  the  people  and  nations; 
and  we  believe  that  the  time  has  come  when  it  is  the  duty 
of  the  United  States  to  join  with  the  other  nations  of  the 
world  in  any  feasible  association  that  will  effectively  serve 
these  principles  to  maintain  inviolate  the  right  of  the  high- 
way of  the  seas  for  the  common  and  unhindered  use  of 
all  nations. 

(St.  Louis,  June  16t  1916) 


LEGISLATIVE  RESOLUTIONS 

Eighteen  joint  or  concurrent  resolutions  favoring  the  en- 
trance  of  the  United  States  into  a  League  of  Nations  to 
enforce  peace  have  already  been  adopted  by  the  State 
Legislatures  of  Delaware,  Florida,  Georgia,  Illinois,  Ken- 
tucky, Louisiana,  Maryland,  Massachusetts,  Mississippi, 
New  Jersey,  New  York,  North  Carolina,  Oklahoma, 
Rhode  Island,  South  Carolina,  Tennessee,  Texas,  and 
Wisconsin. 


A  Suggested  General  Form 
for  Resolution 

It  is  very  evident  that  a  variety  of  resolutions  indorsing  the  League 
of  Nations,  when  received  from  different  sources,  would  have  greater 
effect  and  receive  better  attention  than  one  form  of  resolution  submitted 
by  a  number  of  different  organizations.  Therefore,  while  the  form 
herein  suggested  may  be  followed,  the  language  should  be  your  own, 
and  express  the  particular  interest  of  the  group  (whether  business,  labor, 
agriculture,  religious  or  educational)  adopting  the  resolution. 

RESOLUTIONS 

(Name  of  Adopting  Body) 

(Address) 

WHEREAS,  The  War,  now  brought  to  a  victorious 
close  by  the  associated  power  of  the  free  nations  of  the 
world,  was  above  all  else  a  war  to  end  war  and  protect 
human  rights, 

THEREFORE,  be  it  RESOLVED  that  we  advocate 
the  establishment  of  a  League  of  Nations.  We  believe  that 
such  a  League  should  aim  at  promoting  the  liberty,  progress 
and  orderly  development  of  the  world. 

BE  IT  FURTHER  RESOLVED,  that  we  favor  the 
entrance  of  the  United  States  into  such  a  League  as  may  be 
adequate  to  safeguard  the  peace  that  has  been  won  by  the 
joint  forces  of  the  allied  nations. 

BE  IT  FURTHER  RESOLVED,  that  copies  of  this 
resolution  be  sent  to  the  President  of  the  United  States,  the 

Senators  representing  the  State  of 

at  Washington,  and  to  the 

Honorable  William  H.  Taft,  President  of  the  League  to 
Enforce  Peace,  1 30  West  42nd  Street,  New  York. 

(Name  of  Body  Adopting) 

%..... 

(Official  Position) 

Date 

71 


Books  for  League  Speakers 


PHILLIPS,  WALTER  ALISON.  The  Confederation  of 
Europe.   Longmans,  Green  &  Company,  New  York. 

KANT,  IMMANUEL.  Perpetual  Peace.  The  MacMillan 
Company,  New  York. 

GOLDSMITH,  ROBERT.  A  League  to  Enforce  Peace. 
The  MacMillan  Company,  New  York. 

MARBURG,  THEODORE.  Vol.  I — A  Chapter  in  the  His- 
tory of  the  Movement.  Vol.  II — Its  Principles 
Explained.    The  MacMillan  Company,  New  York. 

WOOLF,  LEONARD  S.  and  THE  FABIAN  SOCIETY. 
International  Government.   Brentano's,  New  York. 

BRAILSFORD,  HENRY  NOEL.  A  League  of  Nations. 
The  MacMillan  Company,  New  York. 

FRANK,  GLENN  and  LOTHROP  STODDARD.  The 
Stakes  of  the  War.  The  Century  Company,  New 
York. 

TOYNBEE,  ARNOLD  J.  Nationality  and  the  War.  E.  P. 
Dutton  &  Company,  New  York. 

HOBSON,  J.  A.  Democracy  After  the  War.  The  Mac- 
Millan Company,  New  York. 

FAYLE,  C.  ERNEST.  The  Great  Settlement.  Duffield  & 
Company,  New  York. 

WEYL,  WALTER  E.  The  End  of  the  War.  The  Mac- 
Millan Company,  New  York. 

LIPPMAN,  WALTER.  The  Stakes  of  Diplomacy.  Henry 
Holt  &  Company,  New  York. 

ROBINSON,  EDGAR  E.  and  VICTOR  J.  WEST.  The 
Foreign  Policy  of  Woodrow  Wilson.  The  MacMillan 
Company,  New  York. 

JASTROW,  MORRIS,  JR.  The  War  and  the  Coming 
Peace.    J.  B.  Lippincott  Company,  Philadelphia. 

WELLS,  H.  G.  In  the  Fourth  Year.  The  MacMillan 
Company,  New  York. 

ANGELL,  NORMAN.  The  Political  Conditions  of  Allied 
Success.    G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons,  New  York. 

MINOR,  RALPH  C.  A  Republic  of  Nations.  Oxford 
University  Press,  New  York. 

TEAD,  ORDWAY.  The  People's  Part  in  Peace.  Henry 
Holt  &  Company,  New  York. 

WILSON,  WOODROW.  The  State.  Harper  and  Bros., 
New  York. 

CHERADAME,  ANDRE.  The  Essentials  of  an  Enduring 
Victory.    Charles  Scribner's  Sons,  New  York. 


Oaylord  Bros. 


fc.'ssftJsS4sS 

TH1S  BOOK  0»'"»       ^  THE  FOURTH 
OVERDUE. 


NOV    3   *932 

WW    4   1! 
APR     18  1946 


LD  2l-50m-8,'32 


Oaylord  Bros. 

Makers 

Syracuse,  N.  Y 

PAT.  JAN.  21. 1908 


392669 


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